2:^0 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

another, "Bensins," had struck him on the back with the flat of his
sword. Perhaps by these names the natives meant Vancouver and
Menzies, for but a few weeks earlier the boats of the Discovery had
explored this inlet, when Point Menzies, King Island, Bentinck
Arm, Dean Canal, and Cascade Canal, had received their names.
These indignities rankled in the mind of the Indian, who was only
too willing to revenge himself upon Mackenzie's party. He became
more and more troublesome, even forcing himself into Mackenzie's
canoe, vociferously repeating the unpleasant intelligence that he had
been ill-treated by white men. 

Mackenzie, in order to escape the importunities of the natives,
landed at a deserted village. But the party was followed by ten
canoes, each containing from three to six men. The Indians informed
Mackenzie that he was expected at the village near-by. Suspecting
from their behaviour that some hostile design was meditated, the
invitation was declined, and presently the natives took their depart-
ure, but not before they had succeeded in stealing several articles of
value. Having taken possession of a rock which could be easily
defended, the men prepared to spend the night. Presently another
canoe arrived, manned by several Indians, who brought a sea-otter
and a fine goat skin, offering to exchange the former for the explor-
er's hanger or sword, which offer, as might be supposed, was declined. 

VVith only a fire to cheer them, the men passed the night on the
rock, keeping watch by twos for fear that the Indians might take
advantage of the darkness to steal upon them. Bright moonlight,
however, befriended the party, and the dawn broke without any hos-
tile attempt being made by the inhabitants of the neighbouring vil-
lage. In the morning the camp was again visited by natives, who did
not disguise their hostility. The young Indian guide, the son of the
chief of the village on Salmon River, earnestly entreated Mackenzie
to depart, as he had heard that a plot was on foot to kill the whole
party. In his agitation he foamed at the mouth. The French Canad-
ians, on hearing the news, became panic-stricken, and asked the ex-
plorer if it were his determination to remain there to be sacrificed.
He replied, as on former occasions, that he would not retreat. But
the natives were implacable and his men mutinous, and he was there-
fore forced to abandon his project and to return to the river he had
(luitted the day before. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 231 

Before leaving, the explorer mixed some vermillioii in melted
grease and inscribed in large letters on the southeast face of the rock
this brief memorial — "Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada, by land,
the twenty-second of July one thousand seven hundred and ninety-
three." 

On that very day — the 22nd day of July, 1793 — another great ex-
plorer was, comparatively speaking, but a short distance away. The
journal of Captain George Vancouver reveals the fact that he was
then in the neighbourhood of Point Maskelyne, surveying the channel
which leads to Observatory Inlet and Portland Canal. If these two
famous explorers, both of whom rendered the Empire signal service,
could have met on the Pacific coast, that meeting would indeed have
been memorable! 

To add to the perplexities and dangers of the situation, the son of
the chief of Friendly Village attempted to desert the party. He was
promptly seized and forced to return to the shore, for it was
thought better to incur his displeasure than to suffer him to expose
himself to the ill-will of the natives, or to allow him to return to his
father before the party. Mackenzie himself mounted guard over the
frightened youth. The prow of the canoe was then headed for the
mouth of the Bella Coola River and the homeward journey com-
menced. But another disappointment was in store for the explorer.
The Indians who resided along the stream, instead of extending
the hospitable welcome that had been accorded on the downward
voyage, now seemed intent upon impeding the progress of the expedi-
tion. At the large village near the mouth of the river the natives
were so importunate and troublesome that it was called Rascal's
Village. The chief of the next village — the "Great Village" — was
surly and little inclined to help the wayfarers; but presents of cloth,
knives, and other articles, restored his good humour. Leaving the
"Great Village," the party proceeded, single file, through the forest,
momentarily expecting an attack, as the natives on their departure
were excited and apparently resolved upon mischief. 

On Friday, the twenty-sixth day of July, Mackenzie reached
"Friendly Village." His reception at the place was in marked con-
trast to that accorded to him below. The chief, Soocomlick, con-
ducted the men to his own house, and entertained them with the "most
respectful hospitality." Mackenzie was touched by the kindness of 
232 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

this untutored savage, and he entered in his journal that "he behaved
to us with so much attention and kindness, that I did not withhold
anything in my power to give which might afford him satisfaction.
I presented him with two yards of blue cloth, an axe, knives, and
various other articles." 

The explorer then retraced his steps to the Blackwater River, ar-
riving on August 4th at the place where the provisions and canoe had
been cached. Everything was found as it had been left. Embarking
on the Great River, also called by Mackenzie the ''Tacoutche Tesse,"
as he considered that to be the Indian name of the stream, the
expedition in the course of a few days, made Bad River. The Bad
River was ascended, the ''Height of Land" crossed, and the canoe
launched upon the Parsnip. Gliding along with the current of that
noble river, Mackenzie travelled in one day a distance which had
taken him seven days to traverse on his outward journey. The river
everywhere swarmed with beaver and wild fowl. Then descending
the Peace River, which is formed by the junction of the Parsnip and
Finlay Rivers, the explorer reached the beautiful rolling country
which lies immediately to the eastward of the Rocky Mountains. 

At length, on Saturday, August 24th, after an absence of
three and a half months, Mackenzie reached Fork Fort, where
he had spent the preceding winter. This account of the first over-
land journey to the Pacific may well close with the last entry in the
great explorer's journal- — "Here my voyages of discovery terminate.
Their toils and their dangers, their solicitudes and sufferings, have
not been exaggerated in my description. On the contrary, in many
instances, language has failed me in the attempt to describe them.
I received, however, the reward of my labours, for they were crowned
with success." 

Alexander Mackenzie was the first European to find a pass
through the Rocky Mountains; he was the first European to see the
noble stream, which, from its source in the heart of that great
Cordilleran range, flows into the Gulf of Georgia, after a devious
course of some seven hundred miles; he was the first European
to embark upon the river which was destined to be named fifteen
years later in honour of another explorer, who also owed allegiance
to the North West Company; and he was the first European to reach
the Pacific Ocean overland. The achievement of Alexander Mac- 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 233 

kenzie has given him enduring fame. No one explorer, in a few
short months, accomplished more than did this imperturbable man,
who linked together the known and the unknown — who gave the
world its first glimpse of the interior of the Province of British
Columbia. 

Subsequently Mackenzie appears to have devoted himself to the
furtrade and to have amassed considerable wealth. In 1801 he pub-
lished the narrative of his explorations so frequently quoted in these
pages. On February 10, 1802, Alexander Mackenzie was knighted
by King George III., in recognition of his services in the cause of
geographical science. In 181 2 he married a Miss Mackenzie and
settled at Avoch in Ross-shire. The great explorer died at Mulnain,
near Dunkeld, March 11, 1820, after a long and honourable career. 

I 

SIMON FRASER OF THE NORTH-WEST COMPANY
Explored Fraser river, Ft. George to mouth of North Arm, 1808

226 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

this tribe abutted on the Fraser River. In that day there was a very
large village at Camchin, now Lytton. 

In this region many natives were seen but although they exhibited
the utmost surprise at the appareance of white men, and were fre-
quently hostile, they did not attack the party. Nevertheless, on their
account, it was necessary to proceed with caution, as it was not known
at what point Indians of a more savage disposition might be met. 

At one point Mackenzie prevailed upon an old man to sketch the
river upon a large piece of bark. Again it was represented as being
extremely rapid, with numerous falls and cascades, many of which
were dangerous and others altogether impracticable. The carrying
places were of great length, passing over rugged hills and moun-
tains. Beyond lay the lands of three tribes speaking different lan-
guages. At a great distance, the old chief observed, the river reached
the water which the natives did not drink. Another very old man
said that as long as he could remember he had heard of white people
to the southward, and that, although he could not vouch for the truth
of the report, one of them, in an attempt to ascend the river, was
destroyed. From what he heard, the explorer concluded, wrongly,
as appeared subsequently, that the river did not enter the Ocean to
the north of the River of the West, as the Columbia was generally
called in the days before it was actually discovered. The natives also
told of another route to the sea, and one more easily followed. 

At no time, in the whole of his career, did the resolute character
of Alexander Mackenzie show to better advantage than on this trying
occasion. The mutinous conduct of his men, the hostility of the sav-
ages, and the rugged nature of the countrv, all conspired to prevent
his executing his great project. Little wonder is it, then, that his
mind became a prey to gloomv thoughts. In spite of the overwhelm-
ing difficulties of the situation, however, he did not lose heart, but
resolutely set himself to attain his end. The explorer's journal gives
a graphic account of the predicament of the expedition at this crisis.
"My people," Mackenzie observed, "had listened with great atten-
tion to the relation which had been given me, and it seemed to be their
opinion, that it would be absolute madness to attempt a passage
through so many savage and barbarous nations. My situation may,
indeed, be more easily conceived than expressed: I had no more
than thirty days provisions remaining, exclusive of such supplies as 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 2-21 

1 might obtain from the natives, and the toil of our hunters, which,
however, was so precarious as to be matter of little dependence;
besides, our ammunition would soon be exhausted, particularly our
ball, of which we had not more than an hundred and fifty, and about
thirty pounds weight of shot, which, indeed, might be converted into
bullets, though with great waste. 

"The more I heard of the river, the more I was convinced it
could not empty itself into the ocean to the North of what is called
the River of the West, so that w ith its windings, the distance must be
very great. Such being the discouraging circumsiances of my situa-
tion, which were now heightened by the discontents of my people, I
could not but be alarmed at the idea of attempting to get to the dis-
charge of such a rapid river, especially when I reflected on tlie
tardy progress of my return up it, even if I should meet with no
obstruction from the natives; a circumstance not very probable, from
the numbers of them which would then be on the river; and whom I
could have no opportunity of conciliating in mv passage down, for
the reasons which have been already mentioned. At all events, I
must give up every expectation of returning this season to Athabasca.
Such were my reflections at this period; but instead of continuing to
indulge them, 1 determined to proceed \\ ith resolution, and set future
events at defiance. At the same time I suffered myself to nourish the
hope that i might be able to penetrate w ith more safety, and in a
shorter period, to the ocean by the inland, western communication." -' 

Therefore, at a point not far from the place where Alexandria
stands todav, Mackenzie decided to abatidon the river and to con-
tinue his journey overland. In order to carry out the new design, it
was necessary to return to the mouth of a stream that had been noticed
on the north bank — the West Road River of Mackenzie — the Black-
water of todav. The men who, but a short time before, had been in
a state of open rebellion, now promised to stand by their leader, what-
ever might be the conse(]uences, and follow him to the ocean. ".At
all events, I declared, in the most solemn manner," said Mackenzie
on this occasion, "that I would not abandon my design of reaching
the sea, if I made the attempt alone." 

The return of the expedition up the river alarmed the natives,
and a general panic seized the men, and again thev demanded that the 

"'' Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 255-6. 

228 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

venture be abandoned and that they should return without delay to
the Peace River. But with peremptory words, the explorer silenced
their remonstrances. 

The canoe, after its long and dangerous passage, had become so
unseaworthy that it was determined to build another. Accordingly
the party landed on an island not far below the point where the
Quesnel River joins the Fraser. An additional supply of bark,
watape, and gum were gathered in the woods, and in four days a
strong canoe was constructed and ready for service. 

The expedition reached the Blackwater River, or as Mackenzie
called it, the West Road River, at ten on the morning of Wednesday,
July 3, 1793, and proceeded up this stream in search of the Indian
who had promised to guide the party overland to the ocean. The
native kept his word and, at four in the afternoon, joined Mackenzie,
who gave him a jacket, a pair of trousers and a handkerchief, "as a
reward for his honourable conduct." On the following day, pem-
mican, wild rice, Indian corn, gunpowder and a bale of trading arti-
cles, were hidden in two caches, and the canoe placed bottom upward
on a stage and shielded from the rays of the sun with branches of trees. 

The expedition then started on the last stage of its adventurous
journey. Each man carried a pack of ninety pounds and Mackenzie
and Mackay seventy pounds each, besides their arms and ammunition.
Mackenzie also carried his telescope, swung across his shoulders,
which proved a troublesome addition to his burden. A native road,
in places quite clearly defined, led to the upper reaches of the Black-
water, and thence westerly, through the Chilcotin country, to the
Bella Coola River, called by Mackenzie the Salmon River. 

It was not until July 17th that the eyes of the explorer were glad-
dened with the sight of an Indian village. Upon their arrival the
chief treated the toil-worn men with every consideration, inviting
them to his house, where he regaled them with salmon roe and other
native delicacies. This place was on the Bella Coola River. From
the natives Mackenzie procured two canoes, in which the party once
more embarked. The Indians wielded their paddles so dexterously
that Mackenzie was led to observe that he had always imagined
Canadians to be the "most expert canoe-men in the world, but they
are very inferior to these people," as his crew acknowledged. 

Arriving at a larger village, the party was again most hospitably 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 229 

received and entertained. Here the explorer learned that ten winters
before, the chief had sailed towards the mid-day sun with forty of his
people, in his great canoe, meeting on the ocean two large ships
manned by white men, by whom he was kindly received. Mackenzie
thought that these might be the vessels commanded by Captain Cook. 

The natives of this region dififered greatly from those to the east-
ward of the Rocky Mountains. The Indians of the great plains lived
by hunting, and the bison or buffalo furnished them with the neces-
saries of life, while the natives of the Pacific Coast region looked to
the salmon to supply their wants. Their houses were made of thick
cedar boards, so neatly joined that at first they seemed of one piece.
"They were painted with hieroglyphics," records the journal, "and
figures of different animals, and with a degree of correctness that was
not to be expected from such an uncultivated people." It was evi-
dent that this tribe had traded with maritime adventurers, because
wire, copper and trinkets were plentiful; collars of twisted iron, that
weighed about twelve pounds, attracted particular attention. No
doubt these collars were some of those made by the American, Ing-
raham, and traded by him with such advantage amongst the tribes of
the Queen Charlotte Islands. ^^ 

At this village another canoe was obtained, and the voyage con-
tinued with native guides, who volunteered to accompany the expe-
dition. Mackenzie was now within a short distance of the sea, and
on the 19th of July he caught a glimpse of the narrow inlet
into which the river emptied. On the following day, at an early hour
in the morning, he passed the site of what is now Bella Coola and
reached Bentinck Arm. At last Alexander Mackenzie had achieved
his ambition. He had travelled from the Atlantic Ocean to the shores
of the Pacific, and in so doing had explored a territory never before
seen by civilized man. 

Mackenzie, however, was not content to reach tidal water; he
wished to view the ocean itself. He paddled down the long fiord, and
then, taking a northwesterly course, reached the entrance of Cascade
Canal. On his way thither, in passing King's Island, he met three
canoes, manned by fifteen men, one of whom related that but a few
weeks before boats had visited the bay, filled with white men, and
that one of these, whom he called "Macubah," had fired on him, and 

" vide InKraham's Journal, Ms. in Archives Department, Victoria. 

222 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

half feet in diameter: ''One end was square like the head of a cask,
and a conical machine was fixed inwards to the other end, of similar
dimensions : at the extremity of which was an opening of about
seven inches diameter. This machine was certainly contrived to set
in the river, to catch large fish; and very well-adapted to that
purpose." "'^ To this day fish traps of the kind described are in use
on the rivers and streams of the interior.-' 

Near-by the house a tomb was noticed — "It was in an oblong
form, covered, and very neatly walled with bark. A pole was fixed
near it, to which, at the height of ten or twelve feet, a piece of bark
was attached, which was probably a memorial, or symbol of dis-
tinction." 

The canoe bv this time had become so unseaworthy that it was
decided to construct another, with as little delay as possible. As
from the appearance of the country there was reason to believe that
birch bark might be found, a party was landed at eight in the morn-
ing to scour the woods for the precious material. Four men were
despatched on the mission, and at twelve they returned with enough
bark "to make the bottom of a canoe five fathoms in length and four
feet and a half in height." x\t this point Mackenzie took another
observation, which marked the position of the expedition as in lati-
tude 53°i7'28"." ^" Cottonwood Canyon is in latitude 53°o8'oo",
so the party at that time must have been near this dangerous passage. 

Mackenzie passed the mouth of the Blackwater on June 20th.
This little stream did not escape notice. 

Here again the reader of the explorer's journal, who is familiar
with the Fraser River above Quesnel, will have no difficulty in
recognizing a striking feature of that noble waterway. "Here,"
says Mackenzie, "the river narrows between steep rocks, and a rapid
succeeded, which was so violent that we did not venture to run it.
I therefore ordered the loading to be taken out of the canoe, but she
was now become so heavy that the men preferred running the rapid
to carrying her overland. Though I did not altogether approve
of their proposition, I was unwilling to oppose it. Four of them
undertook this hazardous expedition, and I hastened to the toot of 

-" Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 239. 

-' The author examined one of these fishtraps in situ on tlie Nechaco River in .\ugust, 1912. 

•'- Mackenzie, N'oyages, p. 240. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 223 

the rapid with great anxiety to await the event, which turned out
as I expected. The water was so strong that although they kepi
clear of the rocks, the canoe filled, and in this state they drove half
way down the rapid, but fortunately she did not overset; and having
got her into an eddy, they emptied her, and in an half-drowned
condition arrived safe on shore." 

The carrying place was about half a mile long, and that it was
frequently used by the Indians was proved by the fact that there was
a well-marked path across it. Both the Fort George and Cottonwood
Canyons are often navigated, even in this day, by Indians and white
men in the cottonwood dug-out of native design and workmanship;
but in both places navigation has been improved by the blasting out
of certain rocks that in the old days threatened with destruction
the little vessel of the Indian or the furtrader. At high water both
canyons are dangerous, and even the hardiest voyageur might well
hesitate before attempting to navigate the turbulent stream that flows
between the rock-girt shores of the Phaser at these points. Mackenzie
descended the river in flood time and his feat, therefore, is all the
more remarkable. 

After the passage of the Canyon the canoe was in such wretched
condition that it "occasioned a delay of three hours to put her in a
condition to proceed." At length, all being in readiness, the course
was continued. 

Those who know the Upper River will recognize Mackenzie's
description of tl^at portion of it "where the ledges of white and red
clay appeared like the ruins of ancient castles." This description
undoubtedly refers to the strange, castellated formation at the elbow
of the river, between the Cottonwood River and the Cottonwood
Canyon. 

After this day of arduous exertion, the party camped in a storm
of rain and thunder, near some old and deserted Indian houses.
On the following morning ninety pounds of pemmican were buried
in the ground for the homeward journey. "As I was very sensible,"
Mackenzie remarked on this occasion, of the difficulty of procuring
provisions in this country, I thought it prudent to guard against any
possibility of distress of that kind on our return; T therefore ordered
ninety pounds weight of pemmican to be buried in an hole sufficiently
deep to admit of a fire over it without doing any injury to our hidden 

224 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

treasure, and which would, at the same time, secure it from the
natives of the country, or the wild animals of the woods." -^ It is
impossible to say exactly where this cache was made, but it could not
have been far from the Cottonwood River. 

Not far from the cache, Mackenzie passed the beautiful bench
where today stands the flourishing town of Quesnel. Here "a large
river flowed in from the left," which several years later Simon Fraser
named Quesnel. in honour of Jules Maurice Quesnel, one of his
lieutenants. A little below Quesnel, Mackenzie made an observa-
tion, and, according to his reckoning, the point was in latitude
52'47'5i." Near this point a small canoe was noticed, at the edge of
the woods, and soon another, paddled by a single man, appeared in
the stream. At the sight of the large canoe the natives gathered on
the bank, armed with spears, bows, and arrows. It was quite apparent
that the men were in a state of great apprehension, yet "they dis-
played the most outrageous antics," and indicated by their gestures
that if the party should land it would be attacked. Mackenzie at
once ordered his men to stop the canoe, as he knew that it would
be useless to attempt to approach the savages before their fears had
in some degree subsided. The interpreters, who fortunately under-
stood the native language, informed Mackenzie that the Indians
declared that all would meet with instant death if the canoe
approached the shore. Their threat was not an idle boast, for it was
followed by a volley of arrows, some of which fell short of the canoe
and others passed over it. By this time the current had carried the
canoe below, and Mackenzie ordered his men to quietly paddle up
the opposite side of the river until he was abreast of the Indians. He
was anxious to overcome their antipathy, the more so as he had
noticed that a canoe had been despatched down the river, as he con-
cluded to communicate the alarm and procure assistance. 

It was in such dramatic moments as these that Mackenzie's
determination and knowledge of Indian character proved an unfail-
ing source of strength. Undaunted, he left his canoe and walked
towards the group of excited natives, as calmly as if no danger
threatened. He took the precaution, however, of sending one of his
interpreters into the woods, there to conceal himself where he could
command the positon with his musket; but the man was particularly 

'2 Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 241. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 225 

enjoined not to fire until the explorer gave the signal. Mackenzie
walked slowly, displaying as he went, looking-glasses, beads, and
other alluring trinkets. This was more than the curiosity of the
natives could withstand. They approached the shore, but at first
did not venture to land. However, friendly relations were soon
established, and with great satisfaction Mackenzie found that his
interpreter and these people understood each other perfectly. 

The e.\plorer lost no time in seeking information respecting the
course of the river. He was informed that it ran for days towards
the mid-day sun, and that at its mouth white people were building
houses — from which account it would appear that news of the
Spanish settlements at Nootka and Neah Bay had reached even
the distant territory of the Carriers. "They represented its current,"
Mackenzie wrote, "to be uniformly strong, and that in three places
it was altogether impassable, from the falls and rapids, which poured
along between perpendicular rocks that were much higher, and
more rugged, than any we had yet seen, and would not admit of any
passage over them. But besides the dangers and difficulties of the
navigation, they added, that we should have to encounter the inhabi-
tants of the country, who were very numerous. They also represented
their immediate neighbours as a very malignant race, who lived in
large subterraneous recesses: and when they were made to under-
stand that it was our design to proceed to the sea, they dissuaded
us from prosecuting our intention, as we should certainly become a
sacrifice to the savage spirit of the natives. These people they
described as possessing iron, arms, and utensils, which they procured
from their neighbours to the Westward, and were obtained by a
commercial progress from people like ourselves, who brought them
in great canoes." -■* 

This information, alarming as it was, did not affect Mackenzie's
determination to reach the coast. Having persuaded two of the tribe
to accompany him as guides and to secure a favourable reception
from the tribes below, the expedition started once more on its perilous
voyage. The "malignant race" who lived in subterraneous recesses,
were evidently the Thompson Indians, who dwelt underground in
the winter months in their "kcekwillee" houses. The territory of 

-* Mackenzie, Vovanes, pp. 245-6.
vni. 1-1 ft 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 217 

longer keep his place. The violence of this stroke drove us to the
opposite side of the river, which is but narrow, when the bow met
with the same fate as the stern. At this moment the foreman seized
on some branches of a small tree in the hope of bringing up the
canoe, but such was their elasticity that, in a manner not easily
described, he was jerked on shore in an instant, and with a degree of
violence that threatened his destruction. But we had no time to
turn from our own situation to inquire what had befallen him; for,
in a few moments, we came across a cascade which broke several
large holes in the bottom of the canoe, and started all the bars, except
one behind the scooping seat. If this accident, however, had not hap-
pened, the vessel must have been irretrievably overset. The wreck
becoming flat on the water, we all jumped out, while the steersman,
who had been compelled to abandon his place, and had not recovered
from his fright, called out to his companions to save themselves.
My peremptory commands superseded the effects of his fear, and
thcv all held fast to the wreck; to which fortunate resolution we
owed our safety, as we should otherwise have been dashed against the
rocks by the force of the water, or driven over the cascades. In this
condition we were forced several hundred yards, and every yard
on the verge of destruction ; but, at length, we most fortunately
arrived in shallow water and a small eddy, where we were enabled
to make a stand, from the weight of the canoe resting on the stones,
rather than from any exertions of our "exhausted strength." '■'■ 

This passage from Mackenzie's journal graphically illustrates
the dangers which beset the track of the explorer in those unknown
wilds. 

On Monday, June 17th, at eight in the evening, the party reached
the bank of the Great' River, an event which is recorded in the fol-
lowing words: "At length we enjoyed, after all our toil and anxiety,
the inexpressible satisfaction of finding ourselves on the bank of a
navigable river, on the west side of the first great range of moun-
tains." " 

Alexander Mackenzie had discovered the Great River, now
known as the Fraser. 

The voyage, even to this point, was a memorable undertaking, 

" Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 218.
'* Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 228. 

218 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

for Mackenzie had traversed the whole course of the Parsnip River,
from its junction with the Findlay to its remotest headwaters, and
the most dangerous reaches of the Peace. Keen observer as Mac-
kenzie was, however, he had failed to notice a large stream which
flows into the Parsnip. This was the Pack River, which drains
McLeod Lake. It appears that the Indians met by Mackenzie in
the mountains knew of an easier route to the Fraser River. It fol-
lowed the Pack River, McLeod Lake, and Crooked River, to Sum-
mit Lake, thence by what is now known as Giscome Portage, to the
North Fork, some distance below the mouth of the Bad River. Had
the explorer followed this route, he might have saved time, although
the ascent of the Crooked River, a rapid and shallow stream, might
have proved scarcely less difiicult than the descent of the Bad River.
On the morning of Monday, June i8th, the little party of adven-
turers embarked upon the "Great River." The journal records that
"the weather was so hazy that we could not see across the river, which
is here about two hundred yards wide." A somewhat particular
account of the reaches between the mouth of the Bad River and the
junction of the north and south branches is given by Mackenzie.
The current is described as "very strong but perfectly safe." ^'' Yet
it was a perilous undertaking, for at times the river rushed tumultu-
ously between high perpendicular walls of rock, or foamed in long
cascades; again, the disposition of the natives was unknown and no
care or forthought could save the party, if they should be bent upon
its destruction. 

The exertions of the voyageurs, and the strong tide, lent wings to
the little vessel, as she swept down the river. In the course of the day
the party reached the "great fork" formed by the confluence of the
north and south branches of the Fraser. The north fork has its
source in the heart of the Rocky Mountains, not a great distance above
the fifty-fourth parallel, while the south branch rises in the same
range to the south of the fifty-third parallel, to the eastward of the
119th degree of longitude. Tete Jaune Cache marks the head of
navigation on the southern fork, which is the larger branch. Writ-
ing a century and a quarter ago, Mackenzie observed that at the
confluence of the two branches the channel "is about half a mile in
breadth, and assumes the form of a lake." Even in that early day 

i'» Mackenzie, \'o\ages, p. 230. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 219 

forest fires seem to have devastated the country-side, for under the
date of June 19, (1793) Mackenzie wrote that "clouds of thick
smoke rose from the woods, that darkened the atmosphere, accom-
panied with a strong odor of the gum of the cypress and the spruce
fir.'' The explorer was soon in the neighbourhood of the South
Fort George of today, but he failed to discover the Nechaco River,
for which he has been called to task by certain writers. This over-
sight, however, may be explained — the mouth of that stream is
screened by low land covered with cotton-wood trees. In descending
the Fraser by the east bank, the Nechaco might easily escape notice
on a misty morning. The clear water of this beautiful river, how-
ever, is most noticeable against the muddy current of the larger
stream. Even if the weather were foggy, and the mouth of the
Nechaco masked by trees, or veiled in mist, it would seem that an
explorer could not have failed to notice that a large body of clear
water embouched into the main river at this point. But at high
water, the turbid flood of the Fraser may back up the waters of the
Nechaco. Be this as it may, Mackenzie missed the Nechaco, and
passed the place where South Fort George stands today, remarking
of the banks in that neighbourhood that they were "composed of
high white cliffs, crowned with pinnacles in grotesque shapes.'' ^''
It is not always easy to follow the explorer from point to point,
because, trained observer as he was, some well-known features of the
river failed to attract his attention or at least are not recorded. Nor
is it surprising that this should be the case, when it is recalled that
Mackenzie often complained of the fog which generally shrouded
the river in the early morning. The heavy mists which are char-
acteristic of the Fraser at certain seasons of the year, rendered the
navigation of the newly discovered highway a delicate undertaking.
Mackenzie was always up betimes. "At three (or some such early
hour) we were on the water," is a frequent entry in his journal, and
the observation is usually followed by a reference to the heavy pall
of mist which hid from view both the channel and the landscape.
This difficulty narrowed the field of observation and sufficiently
accounts for Mackenzie's failure to portray accurately in every par-
ticular the noble stream he discovered and explored. Then, again,
it is likely that in the hundred and twenty years which have elapsed 

'" Mackfn/ie, Voyages, p. 235. 

220 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

since Mackenzie's memorable excursion in 1793, the mighty current
of the Fraser has wrought a change in many places. The river today,
except where it flows between rock-bound shores, may not present
quite the same appearance as it did a century and more ago. 

But now and again there is no mistaking the points or places
described. Thus it is with the Fort George Canyon, that notable
feature of the upper river, of which Mackenzie writes: "In the last
course the rocks contracted in such a manner on both sides of the
river as to afford the appearance of the upper part of a fall or
cataract. Under this apprehension we landed on the left shore, where
we found a kind of footpath imperfectly traced, through which we
conjectured that the natives occasionally passed with their canoes
and baggage. On examining the course of the river, however, there
did not appear to be any fall, as we expected; but the rapids were
of considerable length and impassable for a light canoe." 

The journal continues — "We had therefore no alternative but to
widen the road so as to admit the passage of our canoe, which was
now carried with great difficulty; as from her frequent repairs, and
not always of the usual materials, her weight was such that she
cracked and broke on the shoulders of the men who bore her. The
labour and fatigue of this undertaking, from eight till twelve, beggars
all description, when we at length conquered this afflicting passage
of about half a mile, over a rocky and most rugged hill." ^' 

A meridional observation taken at this point gave the latitude as
53°42'2o". The true latitude of Fort George Canyon is 53°4i'3o". 

The course was continued in a southerly direction for a quarter
of a mile to the next carrying place, which was described as "noth-
ing more than a rocky point about twice the length of the canoe."
This evidently refers to that bold escarpment of rock at the narrow-
est part of the Fort George Canyon. "From the extremity of this
point," the journal continues, "to the rocky and most perpendicular
bank that arose on the opposite shore, is not more than forty or fifty
yards. The great body of water, at the same time tumbling in suc-
cessive cascades along the first carrying-place, rolls through this
narrow passage in a very turbid current, and full of whirlpools." 

On the banks of the river in this neighbourhood the explorer
found "a great plenty of wild onions, which when mixed with our 

'' Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 234-5. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 221 

pemmican, was a great improvement of it; though they produced a
physical effect on our appetites which was rather inconvenient to
the state of our provisions." 

Below Fort George Canyon, Mackenzie caught a glimpse of a
few natives, who fled at the sight of the strangers. In spite of Mac-
kenzie and Mackay's efforts to overtake them, the Indians made
their escape, but not before they had given vent to their feelings by
discharging a volley of arrows at thi' men who had endeavoured to
conciliate them. The two interpreters reported that their language
was quite unintelligible. 

At half past four in the morning of lliursday, June 20th, the
journey was continued, but little knowledge of the surrounding coun-
try could be gained as "the fog was so thick that we could not see
the length of our canoe, which rendered our progress dangerous, as
we might have come suddenly upon a cascade or violent rapid." ^*
After the sun had dispersed the mist, two red deer, as the furtrader
called the elk, were seen on the bank. Both were killed and formed a
welcome addition to the larder of the expedition, which was depleted
of all but bare necessaries. 

Of the country between the Fort George and Cottonwood Can-
yons Mackenzie observed that "here the country changed its appear-
ance; the banks were but of a moderate height, from whence the
ground continued gradually rising to a considerable distance, cov-
ered with poplars and cypresses, but without any kind of under-
wood." " The country was not so populous, as directly above and
below Quesnel. Occasionally signs of the inhabitants were noticed.
At one place, probably near the site of an Indian village, which
stood on the west bank of the river, not far above the mouth of the
Blackwater, a deserted Indian house was discovered. It excited the
curiosity of the explorer, who examined it carefully. He remarked
that it was "the only Indian habitation of this kind that I had seen
on this side of Mechilimakina." 

The dwelling was thirty feet long and twenty wide, with three
doors, each three feet high by one and one-half in breadth. An
ingenious fishtrap, found in the house, is well described by Mac-
kenzie. It was of cylindrical form, fifteen feet long and four and a 

1* Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 234..
" Mackenzie. \'oyages, p. 237. 

212 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

the scene; and their intervals are enlivened with vast herds of elks
and buffaloes: the former choosing the steeps and uplands, and the
later preferring the plains. At this time the buffaloes were attended
with their young ones, who were frisking about them; and it
appeared that the elks would soon exhibit the same enlivening cir-
cumstance. The whole country displayed an exuberant verdure;
the trees that bear a blossom were advancing fast to that delightful
appearance, and the velvet rind of their branches, reflecting the
oblique rays of a rising or setting sun, added a splendid gaiety to the
scene, which no expressions of mine are qualified to describe." * 

As the canoe passed up the Peace River, the country assumed
a different aspect. The park-like prairie, with its wooded eminences
and verdant lawns, gave place to rugged and precipitous hills, and
these in turn to the wild and awe-inspiring grandeur of the Rocky
Mountains, whose snow crowned peaks stretched north and south in
one long unbroken chain. Into this wilderness plunged the little
party. As Mackenzie neared the mountain pass the current became
wild and tumultuous, rushing headlong between craggy hills and
precipitous walls of rock. In the great canyons of the Rocky Moun-
tains the Peace River belies its name and becomes a foaming cas-
cade, or a series of cascades, that even daunted the voyageurs, bred,
as they were, to the task of navigating dangerous rapids. The haz-
ards and difficulties of the enterprise continued to increase. "We
now continued," says Mackenzie in his entry of May 20th, "our toil-
some and perilous progress with the line west by north, and as we
proceeded the rapidity of the current increased, so that in the dis-
tance of two miles we were obliged to unload four times, and carry
everything but the canoe; indeed, in many places, it was with the
utmost difficulty that we could prevent her from being dashed in
pieces against the rocks by the violence of the eddies. At five we
had proceeded to where the river was one continued rapid. Here
we again took everything out of the canoe, in order to tow her up
with the line, though the rocks were so shelving as greatly to increase
the toil and hazard of that operation. At length, however, the agi-
tation of the water was so great, that a wave striking on the bow of
the canoe broke the line, and filled us with inexpressible dismay,
as it appeared impossible that the vessel could escape from being 

* Mackenzie, Voyages, 1801, pp. 154-5. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 213 

dashed to pieces, and those who were in her from perishing. Another
wave, however, more propitious than the former, drove her out of
the tumbling water, so that the men were enabled to bring her ashore,
and though she had been carried over rocks by these swells which
left them naked a moment after, the canoe had received no material
injury. The men were, however, in such a state from their late
alarm, that it would not only have been unavailing but imprudent,
to have proposed any further progress at present, particularly as the
river above us, as far as we could see, was one white sheet of foam-
ing water." " Of this place, he observed, "The river is not more than
fifty yards wide, and flows between stupendous rocks, from whence
huge fragments sometimes tumble down, and falling from such an
height, dash into small stones, with sharp points." " 

Such were the daily experiences of the travellers. Small wonder
is it that even the stout heart of the French-Canadian quailed as he
advanced into this region, where Nature had erected every barrier
that could possibly be devised to prevent the progress of Man. The
voyageurs rebelled against the hardships of the way and clamoured
to return. But the master-spirit of the enterprise would brook no
opposition to his long-cherished plan. By the exercise of his author-
ity, or by softer measures of persuasion, Mackenzie calmed the fears
of his men and prevailed upon them to renew their allegiance. On
this occasion, as on many others, Mackenzie proved himself a born
reader. He treated the French-Canadians as a kind father would
treat his wayward children, and, as often as he was called upon to
give heart to his people, he never failed to overcome their fears
and to unite them to his purpose. 

In the course of the journey through the Peace River Pass, the
canoe frequently had to be carried long distances. At one place it
was necessary to cut a road over a precipitous mountain; the trees
were felled parallel with the path, but not separated entirely from
the stumps, "so that they might form a kind of railing on either
side." All the baggage and the canoe were carried along this primi-
tive highway with laborious effort. The canoe was literally warped
up the mountain, the line being doubled and fastened to successive 

' Mackenzie, Voyage?, p. 173.
'"Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 175. 

214 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

stumps. Three days were consumed in carrying the equipment
over this portage of more than seven miles. 

On the evening of the third day, to the relief of all, the party
arrived at the river, a short distance above the canyon. At this
place "the stream rushed with an astonishing but silent velocity
between perpendicular rocks, which are not more than thirty-five
yards asunder. When the water is high it runs over those rocks in
a channel three times that breadth, where it is bounded by far more
elevated precipices. In the former are deep round holes, some of
which are full of water, while others are empty, in whose bottom
are small round stones, as smooth as marble. Some of these natural
cylinders would contain two hundred gallons. At a small distance
below the first of these rocks, the channel widens in a kind of zig-zag
progression, and it is really awful to behold with what infinite force
the water drives against the rocks on one side, and with what impetu-
ous strength it is repelled to the other: it then falls back, as it were,
into a more straight but rugged passage, over which it is tossed in
high, foaming, half-formed billows, as far as the eye could follow
it." " Nevertheless, the party embarked upon the tide. 

Arriving at the fork formed by the junction of the Parsnip and
Finlay rivers, Mackenzie ascended the former. It was now the
end of May, and the river was in flood and the hardships endured in
stemming the powerful current so disheartened the voyageurs that
again they openly rebelled. "I therefore," says Mackenzie,
^'employed those arguments which were the best calculated to calm
their immediate discontents, as well as to encourage their future
hopes, though, at the same time, I delivered my sentiments in such a
manner as to convince them that T was determined to proceed." '*
The country on either hand was rugged and mountainous, yet on
all sides were seen evidences of the industrious beaver. "In no part
of the North-West," wrote Mackenzie, "did I see so much beaver-
work within an equal distance." To the explorer these indications
of a lucrative trade must have been of peculiar interest. 

Thus, as it were, fighting their wav inch by inch, the men neared
the headwaters of the Parsnip River. On the 5th of June, Macken-
zie and Mackay left the canoe to ascend an adjacent moun- 

'1 Mackenzie, Voyages, p. i8o.
'- Mackenzie, Voyages, p. i86. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 215 

tain, hoping that they might obtain therefrom a view of the interior.
Little could be seen from the height, however, because of the thick
forest; so Mackenzie climbed a high tree, from whose top he obtained
a panoramic view of the surrounding country. On the west extended
a range of snowy mountains, between which and another high ridge
of land there appeared to be an opening that was thought to mark
the course of a river. Upon their return to the Parsnip, Mackenzie
and Mackay found neither the men nor the canoe. A fire was
lighted to attract the attention of the voyageurs, and branches were
sent adrift down the current, as a message to the men that their
leader was ahead. Mackenzie himself walked along the bank in the
blaze of the afternoon sun, tormented by swarms of gnats and mos-
quitoes; but without result. Nor was Mackay more successful in
obtaining news of the missing party. Mackenzie feared that the
men had seized the opportunity to desert, or that they had been
lost in a rapid. Perplexed and distressed by these conjectures, and
upbraiding himself for his imprudence in leaving his people in such
a dangerous situation, the explorer encamped for the night. Scarcely
had he retired, however, than the evening stillness was broken by
the report of musket, the welcome signal that Mackay had found
the party. Mackenzie at once proceeded to join his men, from
whom he learned that the canoe had been wrecked and that they
had experienced far greater toil and hardship than on any former
occasion. These asseverations the explorer pretended to believe,
and sought to comfort his men with a "consolatory dram." He was
convinced, however, that the passage might have been made if exer-
tions had not been relaxed. 

A few days later the explorer met two natives, one of whom drew
his knife and presented it in token of submission. These Indians had
heard of white men, but had never before seen a human being with a
complexion different from their own. Long schooled to the ways
of the savage, Mackenzie did not attempt to push on, but remained
to re-assure the natives. The party consisted of three men and three
women and seven or eight children, all of whom presented a wretched
appearance. They were consoled with beads and other trifles, and
feasted upon pemmican. Mackenzie endeavoured to obtain from
these people an idea of the country. His inquiries, however, elicited
nothing but a confused account of tribes who lived to the westward, 

216 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

a moon's travel onward, and who extended their journeys to the sea,
or, as they expressed it, the "Stinking Lake." The men of tribes
were represented as living almost continually in their strongholds
from fear of their enemies. These stories did not comfort the
explorer; but, persisting in his inquiries, he was rewarded with an
account of a large river that ran towards the midday sun, a branch of
which had its source not far from the encampment. Three small
lakes and as many short carrying places, led to a tributary of the
"Great River.'' This knowledge, imperfect as it was, aroused the
liveliest interest. One of the Indians was induced to guide the
party to the small lakes, of which they had spoken. 

Taking leave of the Indians on June loth, Mackenzie pushed on
until he reached a small lake, which he judged to be the source of
the Parsnip River. Upon landing it was discovered that a beaten
path of eight hundred and seventeen paces led over a low ridge of
land to another small lake. This ridge was termed "the Height of
Land." Within a few paces of this spot were the sources of great
rivers, the waters of which empty respectively into the Arctic and
the Pacific Oceans. Here two sparkling rivulets tumbled down
their rocky channels to lose themselves in the lake which is the source
of the Parsnip; while two other glacial streams fell from the opposite
height into another lake, draining into the Fraser. The party had
crossed the divide, and now, for the first time, the canoe floated with
the current. Arriving at the portage, another beaten path was found,
one hundred and seventy-five paces long. This lake communicated
with the third lake of the chain, the outlet of which flows into the
North Folk of the Fraser River. Mackenzie called this stream Bad
River, because its rapid, shallow and tortuous course was so impeded
by fallen trees that it could be navigated only by dint of the greatest
exertion. The banks w'ere almost impassable bv reason of treacher-
ous swamps and thick woods. 

In descending Bad River, the canoe struck in a shallow; Macken-
zie instantly leaped out, the men following his example; but, before
she could be stopped, the canoe came to deep water, so that all were
obliged to re-embark "with the utmost precipitation." "We had
hardiv regained our situations." records the journal, "when we drove
against a rock which shattered the stern of the canoe in such a man-
ner that it held only by the gunwales, so that the steersman could no 

208 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

brought under their sway. In short, the great central and western
region was their empire and they governed it firmly, and, on the
whole, justly. 

If the North West Company thought that by this union, it had
once and forever put an end to trade warfare, it had reckoned without
its host. As the operations of the Nor'Westers, as the partners and
servants of the Company came to be called, extended farther afield,
they tapped the very sources of the trade of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. It was the masterly policy of the traders of Montreal to
establish posts in the most remote territories, as a result of which the
Indians found that it was no longer necessary to make far journeys
to dispose of their pelts. They naturally preferred to trade at the
nearest fort, rather than to carry their furs to the shores of Hud-
son's Bay. Just as soon as this policy was adopted, the trade of the
Hudson's Bay Company declined. For almost a century the Adven-
turers had scarcely moved out of their strongholds on the western
shore of Hudson's Bay. Indeed, heretofore there had been no occa-
sion for their going to meet the savage in the wilderness. 

It was hardly to be expected that the directors of the Hudson's
Bay Company would tamely submit to these encroachments on the
part of their opponents. The enterprising daring of the united fur-
traders rendered a conflict inevitable. Roused to action, the great
chartered company resolutely set to work to frustrate the tactics of
its opponents. At each advantageous point it built a fort, at first
confining its operations to the more northern part of the field; but
finding its trade molested even there, it determined to extend its
system of forts over the whole country. This rivalry gave birth to a
bitter feud. Wherever a Nor'Wester built his rude fort, the Hud-
son's Bay Company would plant one beside it. Hence two forts were
often erected within sight of each other — a novel situation of which
the Indian took full advantage, demanding more exorbitant prices
for his pelts. But of all things, the Indian loved rum best. As long
as one organization controlled the situation the traffic could be con-
ducted without intoxicants, but so soon as this deadly rivalry was
started, rum again became a common article of barter. Unscrupulous
traders did not hesitate when hard pushed by an opponent to seduce
the Indian from his allegiance with liberal potations. Such con-
ditions could not exist without destroying trade. So keen and so 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 209 

bitter was the rivalry, and so enamoured were the Indians of the
"fire-water" of the traders, that in a short time whole districts were
depleted of fur-bearing animals. The North West Company how-
ever, prospered, for its energetic bourgeois were ever moving the
frontier farther west and north and south, reaching territories where
the Hudson's Bay Company hesitated to follow. Before the latter
company had occupied the Middle West its opponents had planted
their flag on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains. While this
civil war, for it was scarcely less, was engrossing the energies and
activities of the opposing forces, there were vet men amongst the
traders to whom exploration meant more than gain. The search for
the Western Sea had been neither forgotten nor abandoned. 

In the Northwest at that time was a young man, named Alexander
Mackenzie, a Scotsman of good lineage. He it was who helped to
organize the X Y Company, but he was now with and for the North
West Company. In the last decade but one of the eighteenth century,
he guided the destinies of Fort Chippewayan on Athabasca Lake;
though like Verendrye, he thought more of exploration than of sordid
traffic. Samuel Hearne's exploit, of nearly twenty years before,
was, to him, both an object lesson and an achievement to be emulated.
In 1789, therefore, Mackenzie set out to follow the northern outlet
of Great Slave Lake to the Arctic Ocean. He was successful; and
so another highway — for all rivers were highways to the furtrader
— was placed on the map, and by so much was the knowledge of the
geography of the Arctic coast increased. In honour of its explorer
the river was named Mackenzie. Now the region, in which had been
placed by geographers of old, the famous Straits of Maldonado, and
the fanciful waterways of de Fonte, was indeed reduced. In the
same year (1789) in which Mackenzie made this mehiorable excur-
sion, the Spaniards on the Pacific were seizing the vessels of another
British furtrading company, and fortifying themselves on the Ameri-
can shores of the North Pacific. 

Upon his return to Fort Chippewayan, Mackenzie decided to go
to London, there to learn how to reckon accurately latitude and longi-
tude. Lack of this knowledge had more than once perturbed him
while descending the Mackenzie River, and he had determined to
fit himself at the earliest opportunity for the yet greater task he had 

210 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

assigned himself — an expedition to the shores of the Western Sea,
so long sought by French explorers. 

The overland journeys of the furtrader were no less important
than the coastwise explorations of the mariner; nor were his expedi-
tions less arduous or less hazardous than those of the men who voy-
aged the trackless ocean. He had to pass from one savage tribe to
another, generally with a mere handful of men, and it was only by
the exercise of patience and diplomacy that he could overcome the
prejudices, armed resistance, and treachery of the natives. 

Even while Vancouver was exploring the coast, an expedition
was being prepared at Fort Chippewayan to cross the continent.
Alexander Mackenzie, having returned from London with his newly
acquired knowledged of astronomy and surveying, was bending all
his energies to the attainment of his great ambition. Having made
every necessary preparation, he left Fort Chippewayan on October
lo, 1792, with the determination of wintering on the Peace River,
as near the mountains as possible, in order to take advantage of the
opening of navigation in the early spring. Towards the end of
October, Mackenzie arrived at his wintering place, whither two of
his men had preceded him. The men, exhausted by the hardships
of their journey, were disappointed at finding no houses ready. The
Indians had prevented the completion of the post. 

No sooner had the explorer's tent been pitched than he called
before him the unruly natives and soundly rated them for the trouble
they had caused. He said he would treat them with kindness if their
behaviour merited it, but that he would be "equally severe if they
failed in those returns" which he had a "right to expect from them."
Mackenzie- then presented the natives with a quantity of rum. which
he naively recommended should be used with discretion. 

Such incidents, it mav be presumed, were of common occurrence
in the fur territories; yet this scene exhibits in a very interesting man-
ner the delicate relations that existed between the natives and the
white man at that time. It seems little short of marvellous that a
handful of men, by cajolery or threats, or by a diplomatic admix-
ture of both, should be able to preserve their hold upon the lawless
savages, who outnumbered them by hundreds to one. 

Mackenzie's winter quarters were situated near the junction of
a large stream with the Peace River. On account of its situation 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 211 

the place was called Fort Fork. In the month of May, 1793, six
canoes were despatched to Fort Chippewayan with the furs collected
in the winter, and then Mackenzie, relieved for a time of such
sordid details made final preparations for his great enterprise. The
frail bark canoe, which was to carry the adventurers on the turbulent
currents of the rivers and streams of the Rocky Mountain region,
was but tw^enty-five feet long within, twenty-six inches deep, and four
feet nine inches wide. It was so light that two men could carry it
three or four miles without resting. This little vessel carried pro-
visions, presents (without which no trader ventured into a new
country), arms, ammunition, and baggage — in all three thousand
pounds. 

The party consisted of Alexander Mackenzie, Alexander
Mackay, six voyageurs and two Indians to act as hunters and inter-
preters — ten in all.' 

Such was the equipment of the expedition that, after untold hard-
ships and dangers, was to carry British sovereignty across the conti-
net to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. It seems almost incredible
that, with such meagre equipment, so much was accomplished. Yet
in that adventurous age, no doubt, the expedition was considered
well-found and ample for the purpose. Ten men, six of whom were
voyageurs and two Indians, were to assay a task that might well have
appalled the stoutest hearts. But the careless and happy-go-lucky
French-Canadian cared naught for danger until it was encountered;
and if anxiety cast its shadow upon the mind of the leader, his ela-
tion at the thought that he was at least to embark "upon his great enter-
prise did not allow it to obtrude. 

On May 9, 1793. Mackenzie left his winter (luarters. At first
the track led through a country the beauty of which evoked the
admiration of the explorer. ''The ground rises at intervals," it is
recorded in the journal of the expedition, "to a considerable height,
and stretching inwards to a considerable distance; at every interval or
pause in the rise, there is a very gently-ascending space or lawn,
which is alternate with abrupt precipices to the summit of the whole,
or, at least as far as the eye could distinguish. This magnificent
theatre of nature has all the decorations which the trees and animals
of the countrv can afford it: groves of poplars in every shape vary 

'Mackenzie, Voyages, pp. 151-2. 

204 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

one of the Company's especial duties. Samuel Hearne steps forth
from the obscurity of an humble origin and occupation, and achieves
fame as an explorer in the short space of two years. Hearne how-
ever was but the instrument; it was the half-breed Governor of Fort
Prince of Wales, the noted Moses Norton, who launched the idea
and equipped and despatched the expedition. At that time no one
knew how far the continent extended from east to west. It was at
first almost universally believed that at most a few hundred leagues
separated the North and South Seas. As explorations were pushed
farther afield, it became apparent that the continent reached farther
and yet farther westward. The early French and British explorers
expected to find the Pacific washing the western foot-hills of the
"Shining Mountains." Hearne, however, from the evidence he had
gathered, believed the continent of America to be "much wider than
many people imagined, particularly Robson, who thought that the
Pacific Ocean was but a few days' journey from the west coast of
Hudson's Bay. This, however, is so far from being the case, that
when I was at my greatest western distance, upward of five hun-
dred miles from the Prince of Wales Fort, the natives, my guides,
well knew that many tribes of Indians lay to the west of us and
they knew no end to the land in that direction; nor have I met with
any Indians, either northern or southern, that ever had seen the sea
to the westward." Three times Hearne sallied forth from Fort
Prince of Wales to find and explore the "Far-Ofif-Metal River""
of the natives. Twice he was left in the lurch by his Indian guides
and forced to return to his base; but Hearne was not a man to be
balked, and once more he left the fort, on December 7, 1770, for he
was to travel with dogs and sleds, while the snow covered the earth
with its even mantle. After many exciting adventures and narrow
escapes, he reached the land- of the Eskimo, where he was the unwill-
ing witness of a bloody attack by the Chipewyans upon that innocent
and inofifensive people. "The poor unhappy victims," says Hearne,
"were surprised in the midst of their sleep and had neither time nor
power to make any resistance; men, women and children, in all
upwards of twenty, ran out of their tents stark naked and endeav-
oured to make their escape; but the Indians having possession of all
the landside, to no place could they fly for shelter. One alternative 

♦Burpee, Western Sea, p. 139. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 205 

only remained, that of jumping into the river; but as none of them
attempted it they all fell victims to Indian barbarity." A young girl
was speared beside the explorer; as she fell she writhed round his
legs; nor did his pleading save her, for the savages, asking him con-
temptuously if he wanted an Eskimo wife, thrust their weapons into
the unfortunate creature. At this harrowing sight Hearne could not
restrain his tears. 

At last the intrepid explorer reached the mouth of the Copper-
mine River, and observed it to be in latitude 71° 54' north and longi-
tude 120° 30', which position, however, gave the river an outlet two
hundred miles too far to the north, as is proved by Franklin's accurate
observation, which marks the point where the river embouches into
the Arctic as 67° 40' 50" north and 115° 36' 49" west. Here Hearne
erected a cairn and took formal possession of the country on behalf
of the Hudson's Bay Company. He then began to retrace his steps,
but before doing so, he examined the copper mines of which so much
had been said, only to find that they were "nothing but a jurtible of
rocks and gravel." On his homeward journey the explorer followed
the shores of Great Slave Lake, and crossed this sheet of water to
the mouth of Slave River; then, taking an easterly course, he arrived
at Fort Prince of Wales on June 30, 1771. 

Gradually the vast prairies, and the network of rivers and lakes
that provide means of communication in the central portion of the
continent, became known to the furtrader. But, in the year 1763
the Conspiracy of Pontiac and successive Indian wars rendered the
central plains unsafe for the peddlers and caused a temporary sus-
pension of the traffic. It was not until about the year 1771, that
British traders could enter with safety the territory of the Saskat-
chewan, on which river the most remote of the old French posts had
been built. The subsequent progress of the furtraders may be said
to have corresponded with the wishes of the Indians and the success
of the first enterprises. 

At first the whole trade was conducted by the unsupported effort
of individuals. The trader, wintering with a newly discovered band
of Indians, or on some favourable spot, would hear of tribes still
more remote, among whom provisions might be obtained, and trade
pursued with little danger of competition. To the hunting grounds
of these he would naturally repair, and while he was suffered to 

206 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

remain alone he might obtain furs at a reasonable rate. But, as all
men had the right to traffic at any place, the first discoverer of an
eligible situation generally soon found himself followed bv other
traders, who were ever ready to reap where they had not sown. In
these circumstances, the furtrader, naturally enough, endeavoured
by every means in his power to secure to himself the preference of
the Indians and to injure his competitor. Thus, in the Indian terri-
tories of the West, each man became a master unto himself, and took
the law into his own hands. As a consequence, both the Indians
and the trade suffered. The natives were bribed with rum, and this
trafficking in strong spirits soon had a disastrous effect. While this
warfare raged, mutual interest suggested the necessity of establishing
a common, or co-operative, association as the only means of ending
once for all so injurious a competition. 

About the vear 1779, nine distinct interests became parties to an
agreement for one year, by virtue of which the whole trade was
rendered common property. The success which attended this mea-
sure led to a second and similar agreement in the succeeding year,
and that to a further agreement, which was to last for three years.
Thus co-operation gradually became a recognized principle among
the traders. However, an agreement for a short term was found
not to work as well as had been anticipated, chietlv for the reason that
the members of the association were naturallv less anxious to stand
by its articles than to prepare themselves for its termination, and the
consequent return to the old order of things. It seemed almost impos-
sible that out of this chaos of conflicting interests there could be
formed an association so powerful as to unite in one brotherhood,
the jealous traders. Yet this was accomplished. In 1783-84 practi-
cally all the factions were united in one great association, which
assumed the historic name — The North West Cdmpanv. At first the
pact was for five vears only, but so effective did it prove in eradicat-
ing evils, and so successful were the operations under it, that the
association was continued from time to time until at last a permanent
organization, although still subject to agreement,'' became possible. 

The fierce rivalries of the independent furtraders were thus
abolished. The North West Company established upon the prin-
ciple of co-operation, promoted, whilst that principle was adhered 

^Origin and Progress of the North West Company, London, 1811. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 207 

to, the welfare of all concerned. It prevented the animosities, vio-
lence, and losses that before the days of coalition had become of
every-day occurrence in the fur territories. No one thing, perhaps,
is more significant of the good results that accrued from the policy
than the fact that the returns of the furtrade increased from thirty
thousand pounds in 1784 to one hundred and fifty thousand pounds in
1810." Another conspicuous result, in the decrease in the consumption
of spirituous liquors was brought about by the amalgamation of the
contending forces. In the vcar 1800, ten thousand and ninety-eight
gallons were taken into the territory, but in the year 1803, when the
North West Company met with strong opposition from independent
traders, the consumption increased to twenty-one thousand two hun-
dred and ninety-nine gallons. After the company had defeated or
placated its opponents, the average consumption dropped to nine
thousand seven hundred gallons in the five years ending with 18 10. 

At the outset the company had an opponent worthy of its steel
in the X Y Company, formed by certain malcontents who refused
to join the larger association. Amongst these were the notorious
Peter Pond and the resolute Alexander Mackenzie. The struggle,
however, did not last long. In 1787 the two Canadian companies
amalgamated. At a later period the X Y Company was revived by
a few Nor' Westers, who had become dissatisfied with the autocratic
behaviour of the choleric Simon McTavish, nicknamed by his associ-
ates "le Premier," or "le Marquis." In 1793 Alexander Mackenzie
returned to the X Y Company, and for several years he was the
master mind of that organization. Simon McTavish died in 1804 or
1805, and shortly afterwards the X Y Company again united with its
rival. 

In the thirty-eight years of its existence the North West Com-
pany revolutionized the trade, consolidated its interests, and extended
its sphere of influence even far beyond "The Mountains of Bright
Stones." At one time the company possessed more tiian eighty forts
or trading stations in the western territories, several of which were
west of the Rocky Mountains. The influence of the bourgeois, as
the officers of the association were termed, extended from Montreal,
across the Great Lakes, to the farthermost northern and southern
limits of that vast territory which their daring and prowess had 

" Oripin and Progress of the North West Company, London, 1811. 

CHAPTER IX 

SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE 

While British, American, French and Spanish expeditions were
exploring the littoral, a new force was at work in the interior of the
Continent. At first the Adventurers of England trading into Hud-
son's Bay, known in history as the Hudson's Bay Company, did not
extend their operations far beyond the shores of that inland sea.
It was the policy of the Company to bring the Indians to Fort
Churchill, Fort Nelson, or Fort Prince of Wales, to barter their
rich furs. This policy saved the expense of establishing inland
forts, and the Company's servants from the attacks of savages, who,
however amenable they might be far from their homes on the shores
of Hudson's Bay, could not be "expected to be so tractable in their
own hunting grounds. The furs were shipped direct to England
through Hudson's Straits. Thus a century and more before, the
great wheat fields of the Middle West became the granary of the
Empire, the route, now proposed as one of the outlets for that fer-
tile region, was used by the homing ships of the great Company. 

I'he trade of the Adventurers was lucrative, and, almost from
the time of the granting of their charter in 1670, large dividends
were paid to the share-holders. 

But ctjmmerce could not always be carried on in peace and
security, even in the bleak and isolated territories of Hudson's Bay.
In the stormy period that preceded the Treaty of Versailles in 1783,
the forts of the Company were more than once attacked and some-
times captured by French expeditions, in one of which La Perouse,
tlie brilliant navigator who commanded the ill-fated French expe-
dition ti) the Pacific in 17815-8, played an active part. In the time
of these hostilities no dividends were declared, but so rich was the
field that a year or two of uninterrupted peace offset the losses. 

Long before Canada was U)st to France, the traders of the St. 

1!)9 

200 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

Lawrence had crossed the Great Lakes and entered into communi-
cation with the tribes of the wild region to the northward of Lake
Superior; but it was left to the gallant Pierre Gaultier de La
Verendrye to pierce the heart of the continent. From his earliest
years it had been his ambition to reach the Sea of the West, upon
the shores of which he longed to plant the French flag. Verendrye
was by nature an explorer; he became a furtrader by force of cir-
cumstances. Unable to procure from the Governor of Canada a
commission to explore the interior of the continent, or even finan-
cial support for his enterprise, he was forced to adopt the role of
trader, as by that means only could he hope to achieve his ambition.
Neither the Governor, nor the merchants of Montreal, cared for
western exploration, except as a means by which new territories,
rich in fur, might be brought under their sway. In Verendrye
worked that mysterious influence which has ever impelled men of
Aryan race to follow the path of the evening sun. As commander
of the trading-post of Nipigon, he stood on the threshold of that
undiscovered land which barred the way to the Western Sea. Here,
from the natives, he heard of great waters and great territories that
lay far beyond Lake Superior, and these stories kindled in him a
consuming desire to reach the western verge of the continent. 

In the summer of 173 1 Verendrye and his three sons, in the guise
of furtraders, set out to solve one of the greatest geographical prob-
lems of the age. They were the first Europeans to build forts in
the Middle West. On the shore of The Lake of the Woods, Veren-
drye erected a stockade from twelve to fifteen feet in height, in the
form of an oblong to guard his rough cabins of logs and clay and
bark. The rude establishment was christened Fort St. Charles.
From this base Verendrye explored north, west, and south, build-
ing forts and trading with the natives even as far as the Mandan
villages; but ever chafing at delays and untoward incidents that
retarded his progress westward. The brave Frenchman was not to
achieve his ambition, although his son, while in the country near the
head waters of the Missouri, caught a glimpse of one of the eastern
spurs of the "Mountains of Bright Stones," the name by which the
Rocky Mountains were known to the Indians of those parts. No
Frenchman was destined to lead an expedition into the land beyond
that great barrier. From 1732 until 1743 the Verendryes, father 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 201 

and sons, sought to pierce the western mystery, but without avail.
They were defeated but not beaten. The father retired from the
country, but only to plead his cause at the Viceregal Court of Can-
ada. He was promoted and decorated with the coveted Cross of St.
Louis, and authorized by Governor Galissoniere to continue his
e.vplorations, yet no financial assistance was forthcoming. After
devoting his life to his cherished purpose, Verendrye, in his declin-
ing years, could find none to help him to realize his dream. He
died in December, 1749. 

Verendrye led the way to that immense preserve where, in after
years, rich harvests were reaped by contending traders. He left to
posterity a noble example of fortitude and duty well-done. After
his death the trade in the region he had discovered was continued,
but it did not prosper. 

Even while the French still held the great interior, an effort was
made, in 1754-5, by a young officer of the Hudson's Bay Company,
named Anthony Hendry (or Hendey), to reach the far west. It
appears that Hendry, who was a native of the Isle of Wight, had
been outlawed in 1748 for smuggling; he then entered the service
of the Hudson's Bay Company and volunteered to go inland with
the natives, who traded at the forts on Hudson's Bay. After the usual
exciting experiences, incidental to travel in a new country, Hendry
reached the broad waters of the Saskachewan, and to him belongs the
honour of being the first Englishman to launch his frail canoe upon
that lordly river of the western plains. He found on this river the
fort built by De La Corne the year before. "On our arrival," says
Hendry in his journal, which is preserved at Hudson's Bay House,
"two Frenchmen came to the waterside and in a very genteel man-
ner invited me into their home, which I readily accepted. One of
them asked me if I had any letter from my master, and where, on
what design, I was going inland. 1 answered I had no letter and
that I was sent to view the country, and intended to return in the
spring. He told me the master (presumably De La Corne) and
men were gone down to Montreal with the furs, and that they must
detain me till their return. However, they were very kind, and
at night I went to my tent and told Attickasish, or Little Deer, my
leader, that had the charge of me, who smiled and said they dared 

202 BRITISH COLUMBIA 

not. I sent them two feet of tobacco, which was very acceptable to
them." ' 

That meeting of the young English explorer with the French
traders of the Saskatchewan is of more than passing interest — as Mr.
L. J. Burpee, the learned author of "The Search for the Western
Sea," justly observes. In all the records of the adventure on the
great plains, no mention is made of the "French and English com-
ing face to face west of the Great Lakes while the former were still
in possession of Canada." - It is true that they had met and fought
time and again in the marshes of New England and New France,
and on the shores of the mediterranean sea named after that heroic,
but unfortunate, Henry Hudson; but hitherto the French had been
supreme in the Northwest. It requires no great stretch of imagina-
tion, therefore, to realize that the French, despite their politeness,
must have been chagrined at the appearance of Hendry in the heart
of their preserve. No attempt seems to have been made by the
French traders to put into execution their threat of detaining the
English explorer, for, on the following day he continued his journey.
Hendry was not only to spy out the land; he was also to use every
means in his power to induce the tribes of the interior to carry their
furs to York Fort in the spring. His mission, however, was not
particularly successful. The natives could not be persuaded to jour-
ney so far, to so little purpose. Yet some of the Assiniboines prom-
ised to accompany him and faithfully kept their word. In Assini-
boia the young explorer witnessed the strange sight of vast herds of
bufTalo "grazing like English cattle" on the plains. 

Hendry wintered among the Blackfeet, and his journals con-
tain many interesting particulars respecting that bold and warlike
tribe. In the spring he departed on his homeward journey, in due
course arriving at a French trading post a few miles below the
Grand Forks of the Saskatchewan, where he \vas kindly treated. 

The explorer's narrative throws much light upon the methods
of the French traders, who were preeminently fitted, alike from
their sagacity, engaging politeness, and appreciation of the Indian
character, to carry on their traffic in the lawless wild. "It is surpris-
ing," writes Hendrv, "to observe, what an influence the French have 

1 Burpee, Western Sea, pp. 119-120.
-Burpee, Western Sea, p. 120. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 203 

over the natives. I am certain he (referring to the officer in charge)
hath got above i,ooo of the richest skins." He adds "The French
speak several (Indian) languages to perfection; they have the advan-
tage of us in every shape; and if they had Brazile tobacco, which
they have not, would entirely cut off our trade." •' 

A quarter of a century later Jonathan Carver, a son of Connecti-
cut, attempted to realize the dream of the old French explorers, but
apart from its motive, his e.xploration is not of surpassing interest.
Still, his narrative is notable, if for no other reason than that it gave
to the world the beautiful name "Oregon." Carver left Boston in
T776, proceeding by way of Michilimachinac, Green Bay, and the
Fox, Wisconsin, and Mississippi rivers to St. Pierre, where he
sojourned for some months. Finding that he could make no progress
westward of that point, he changed his course and made Lake
Superior with the intention of following the route of the furtraders,
over the northern lakes and rivers, to its farthest extent, and thence
to the Pacific. Again disappointed he returned to Boston. 

During his mid-continental tour, Carver heard many marvellous
stories as to the mountains, lakes, and rivers of the vast territories
on the borders of which he ventured. These stories found expres-
sion in his journal, in which he described great rivers, which, from
their sources in the centre of the continent, extended to the four
points of the compass, thus providing water communication north
and south, and east and west, even to the shores of that great ocean
concerning which there had been so much speculation. Carver also
told of the "Mountains of Bright Stones," and the "Oregan," or
"River of the West." 

Failing to obtain cither that recognition or support for his western
enterprise, which he deemed its importance deserved, he abandoned
the project for others. Thereafter Jonathan Carver subsided into
obscurity, his untrustworthv narrative alone preserving his name
from oblivion. 

Then, farther to the northward, the Hudson's Bay Company
sought, in an examination of Arctic tundras, to add to the world's
stock of geographical knowledge, and at tiie same time, perhaps,
to sufficiently set forth its zeal in the search for the Northw^est Pas-
sage, which, in the charter of 1670, had been specifically included as 

■'Kui|H'c, NW'siern Sf;i, p. 13^.