280 BRITISH COLUMBIA * less Simon Fraser had accomplished his purpose. He had reached the sea, not, however, by the Columbia, but by another river that henceforth was to bear his name. That he did not view the Pacific Ocean was a bitter disappointment to the explorer. "Here again," he wrote in his Journal of July 3, 1808, "I must again acknowledge my great disappointment in not seeing the main Ocean, having gone so near it as to be almost within view; we besides wished very much to settle the situation by an observation for the longitude. The latitude is 49" nearly, while that of the entrance to the Columbia is 46 20'. This river therefore is not the Columbia." Having accomplished his purpose Fraser started on his long return journey to the northern interior. His difficulties were by no means over. He was continually harassed by the natives, who fol- lowed him with the set purpose of annihilating the whole expedition. It was only by proceeding with the utmost caution that he was able to frustrate the designs of the Indians who had before been loud in their expressions of friendship. Day and night it was necessary to be continually on guard. At an encampment above Chilliwack all the warriors were waiting to attack the white men. It was soon dis- covered that "they were not assembled for any good purpose, and when we came opposite to them the whole were in motion. Some were in canoes, others lined the shore and all were inclining our way; at last it was with difficulty we could prevent them with the muzzle of our guns from seizing upon the canoe; they, however, managed to give us such a push with the intention of upsetting us, that our canoe became engaged in a strong current which, in spite of all our efiforts, carried us down the rapid. We however gained the shore at the foot of a high hill where we tied the canoe to a tree. Here I ordered Mr. Stuart with some of the men to debark and ascend the hill in order to keep the Indians in awe; they, perceiving our preparation for defence, retired, but still kept ahead." The continual strain so worked upon the overwrought nerves of the vovageurs, that on the 6th of July they mutinied and threatened to desert in a body. Simon Fraser rose to the occasion. "Consider- ing this scheme as a desperate undertaking," he wrote in his Journal after the trouble was over, "I debarked and endeavoured to persuade the delinquents of their infatuation; but two of them declared in their own names and in the names of the others that their plan was BRITISH COLUMBIA 281 fixed, and that they saw no other way by which they could save them- selves from immediate destruction than by flying out of the way of danger; for, said they, continuing by water, surrounded by hostile nations, who watched every opportunity to attack and torment them, created in their mind a state of suspicion worse than death. I remon- strated and threatened by turns, the other gentlemen joined me in my endeavours to expose the folly of their undertaking, and the advan- tages that would accrue to us all by remaining, as we had hitherto done, in perfect union for our common safety. After much debate on both sides, they yielded and we all shook hands, resolved not to separate during the voyage, which resolution was immediately con- firmed by the following oath taken on the spot by each of the party: 'I solemnly swear before Almighty God that I shall sooner perish than forsa'ie in distress any of our crew during the present voyage.' " The ascent of the river was scarcely less difficult than the down- ward journey, but at last the expedition reached the territory of more friendly natives, who expressed surprise at the reappearance of the white men. Evidently they had expected that the Indians of the lower river, or the warlike Cowichans, would kill the travellers. While thirty-five days were consumed in descending the river, the ascent was accomplished in thirty-four days. In going to the sea Quesnel was reached May 30th; Lytton on June 20th; Spuzzum on June 27th; Yale on June 3()th; New Westminster on July 2nd, and Musquiam on the same day. In returning, the Thompson River was passed July 14th; Lillooet on the 22nd; Chilcotin River on the 25th; Soda Creek on the 28th; and on August 6th the journey ended at Fort George, the place of departure. Such was the nature of Simon Fraser's achievement; sucii is the story that has almost been forgotten. Surely this rugged man is worthy of all honour and respect. His expedition was the third to reach the shores of the Pacific overland. He was the first European to establish posts in the interior of the great territory lying to the west of the Rocky Mountains. These posts have existed from that time to this. The country in which they are situated is now, more than one hundred years later, about to be developed on a remarkable scale. The name of Simon Fraser, the stalwart pioneer and founder, should not be forgotten in this day. As the Reverend A. G. Morice 282 BRITISH COLUMBIA has justly observed — "Less brilliant services would entitle him to the respect of every Canadian." Simon Fraser did not long remain in New Caledonia after his exploration of the "Great River" discovered by Sir Alexander Mackenzie. He was given charge of a district in Athabasca as a reward for his services beyond the Rocky Mountains. In 1811 he was at Red River, and two years later on the Mackenzie. In 1816, he was at Fort William when that post was taken by the Earl of Selkirk, against whom the North West Company had waged relent- less war. It has been said that Simon Fraser refused the order of knight- hood, offered in recognition of his achievement. The probable explanation of the matter is simply this: That he declined the honour because his means were not in keeping with the proffered title, nor sufficient for the purpose of maintaining the position with proper dignity. < o H O o
Simon Fraser
...now browsing by category
Ch 10-10
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010Ch 10-8
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010BRITISH COLUMBIA 271 The town of Lytton, founded in the year of the great gold rush, now stands on, or near, the site of the populous Indian village first described by Simon Fraser more than a century ago. He was given an impressive welcome, which is thus recorded in his Journal: "After having remained some time in the village, the principal chief invited us over the river and received us at the water side, where, assisted by several others, he took me by the arm and con- ducted me in a moment up the hill to the camp. Here his people were sitting in rows to the number of twelve hundred, and I had to shake hands with the whole. Then the Great Chief made a long harangue, in the course of which he pointed to the Sun, to the four quarters of the World and then to us; he afterwards introduced his father who was old and blind and carried by another man, who also made a harangue of some length. The old blind man was placed near us, and he often stretched out both his hands, through curiosity, in order to feel ours. "The Hacamaugh nation are dififerent, both in language and manners, from their neighbours, the Askettihs; they have many chiefs and great men and appear to be good orators, their manner of delivery is extremely handsome. We had every reason to be thankful for our reception at this place. The Indians showed us every possible attention, and supplied our wants as much as they could. We had salmon, berries, oil and roots in abundance, and our men had six dogs.- Although our tent was pitched near the camp, we enjoyed entire peace and security during our stay. The Indians sang and danced all night; some of our men who went to see them were much amused." The explorer, however, was evidently not convinced that his new allies were altogether sincere in their expressions of friendship. "However kind savages may appear," he observed, "I know that it is not in their nature to be sincere in their professions to strangers; the respect and attention we generally experience proceed from an idea that we are superior beings who are not to be overcome; at any rate, it is certain that the less familiar we are with them, the better for us." It is pleasant to recall that, on this occasion at least, the furtrader's distrust of the savage was without foundation: The chief of the Thompson Indians, called by Fraser the "Great Chief," kept ^ Simon Eraser's Jmirn,Tl, M.isson, pp. 181-2. 272 BRITISH COLUMBIA his word and even went out of his way to befriend the little party of white men. Before leaving this quarter, Fraser named the river, which enters the Fraser just above Lytton, in honour of David Thompson, astron- omer, surveyor, path-finder, explorer, fort-builder and furtrader, also of the North West Company. David Thompson was then engaged in exploring the passes of the Rocky Mountains leading into East Kootenay. "These Forks," says the Journal of the expedi- tion, "the Indians call Camchin, and are formed by a large river, which is the same spoken of so often by our friend the Old Chief. From an idea that our friends of the Fort des Prairies department are established upon the source of it, among the mountains, we gave it the name of Thompson River." This statement clearly shows how little was known at that time of the geography of the interior of Northwestern America. Simon Fraser's mistake has been a fruitful source of error, in that it has led some writers to attribute to David Thompson the discovery of the Fraser's most important tributary, apparently for no other reason than that it was named after that indomitable explorer. As a matter of fact David Thompson never saw the Thompson River; nor does it appear that Thompson even knew that this stream had been named after him. In his "Map of the Northwest Territory of the Province of Canada from Actual Survey during the years 1792 to 1812,"* made in 18 13 and 18 14, some five or six years after Fraser's memor- able excursion, the Thompson is called "Sheewap River." It is strange that such should be the case because the intrepid astronomer and surveyor of the North West Company acknowledges that he obtained his information respecting the Fraser River from John Stuart, who accompanied Simon Fraser in 1808. Perhaps John Stuart did not mention that the stream had been named Thompson River; or perhaps the famous map maker was too modest to give his name to a river he had not discovered, or even seen. I'he morning after the memorable reception at Camchin, the party again embarked, having obtained two canoes from the Thomp- son Indians. The "Great Chief" and a guide, nicknamed in the explorer's Journal the "Little Fellow," accompanied Fraser in order to introduce him to the tribes below, which, as usual, were repre- ' Published with Elliott Coues' New Lig;ht on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, New York, 1897. BRITISH COLUMBIA 273 seiited as being a ferocious and warlike people. The men had suffered great hardships in their traverse of the river to this point, notably in the canyons between Soda Creek and Lillooet; but they now entered upon perhaps the most arduous part of their journey. Between Lytton and Yale the Fraser forces its way through a series of deep chasms, the rocky walls of which in many places tower high above the water. The great river, swollen with melted snows, surged magnificently through the canyons. On every side rugged snow- crowned mountains, like grim sentinels, stood guard over the foaming cataracts; the banks were so steep that they could only be scaled at imminent risk. Such was the Fraser River between Lytton and Yale in floodtime, in the old days before the railway. The track of the explorer lay directly through this region of wild grandeur and Titanic upheaval. It was soon found impossible to follow the river. At Jackass Mountain, so named by the goldseekers of a later generation, the men were forced to carrv evervthing, including their canoes, over that steep hill. The ascent was dangerous in the extreme, as the I loose stones which covered the mountain continually gave way under the feet of the men as they toiled with their heavy loads. A false step meant certain destruction as a precipice yawned immediately below, at the foot of which the river ran in a series of turbulent rapids. The Indians told the explorer that several years before several of their tribe in traversing the hill had lost their balance, and, falling headlong into the river, had perished. The miners of 1858 and 1859 were sorely tried at this same spot. In the face of these appalling obstacles the expedition worked its way downstream, sometimes by land and sometimes by water. Neither the remonstrances of his men, nor the warnings of the natives, had any effect on Fraser, who at all costs was determined to carry out his instructions to reach the sea by following the unknown river to its mouth. He pushed on with that dogged determination which distinguished all his undertakings. From time immemorial, here, as at the Dalles and other places on the Columbia River, the Indians had foregathered to catch and dry the salmon, which was the staple article of diet of the natives of that quarter. Judging from Fraser's remarks, the Indian population V..I. 1- IS 274 BRITISH COLUMBIA must have been large, for he visited many encampments. The natives had erected stages on the ledges overhanging the river, and from these they used their dip nets with remarkable dexterity. Either because the run had not commenced, or because it was a poor year, salmon seemed to have been rather scarce. More than once the explorer observed that the natives were without food. At other places, he was feasted with roasted salmon, wild fruits and nuts, wild onion syrup, and other viands esteemed by the Indians. On Sunday, June 25th, the Chief of the Camchin or Thompson Indians left the expedition to return to his people. The parting is thus recorded: "This man is the greatest Chief we have seen, he behaved uncommonly well towards us, and in return I made him a present of a large silver brooch which he immediately fixed on his head, and seemed exceedingly well pleased with our attentions." Tradition had it that this silver brooch was buried with the chief as one of his most cherished possessions. Although it was Sunday, the party pushed on, embarking at the early hour of five. It was a memorable day in the history of the expedition. The Journal vividly portrays the difficulties encoun- tered on this forced march. In writing of the road through one of the canyons, probably that now known as the Black Canyon, Fraser could not restrain his eloquence: "Here," he observed, "we were obliged to carry among loose stones in the face of a steep hill between two precipices. Near the top, where the ascent was per- fectly perpendicular, one of the Indians climbed to the summit and by means of a long rope drew us up one after the other. This work took three hours, and then we continued our course up and down hills and along the steep declivities of mountains where hanging rocks and projecting clififs, at the edge of the bank of the riyer, made the passage so small as to render it, at times, difficult even for one person to pass sideways. Many of the natives from the last camp who accompanied us were of the greatest use on this intricate occasion. They went on boldly with heavy loads in places where we were obliged to hand our guns from one to another, and where the greatest precaution was required in order to pass even singly and free from encumbrance." The party encamped at six in the evening, at the head of another rapid or canyon. On the following morning, John Stuart, who had BRITISH COLUMBIA 275 been sent ahead to examine the river, reported that "navigation was absolutely impracticable." The men, therefore, had no other recourse but to follow their agile guides along the treacherous path- ways which had served successive generations of native travellers. The stupendous character of this rugged country is well portrayed by Fraser: "As for the road by land," he wrote, "we could scarcely make our way with even only our guns. I have been for a long period in the Rocky Mountains, but have never seen anything like this country. It is so wild that I cannot find words to describe our situation at times. We had to pass where no human beings should venture; yet in those places there is a regular footpath impressed, or rather indented upon the very rocks by frequent travelling. Besides this, steps which are formed like a ladder or the shrouds of a ship, by poles hanging to one another and crossed at certain distances with twigs, the whole suspended from the top to the foot of deep precipices and fastened to both extremities to stones and trees, furnish a safe and convenient passage to the Natives; but we, who had not had the advantage of their education and experience, were often in imminent danger when obliged to follow their example." The ladders here described were in use long after the explorer's day. Indeed, some of them still existed in a state of good repair at the time of the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, although the Yale-Cariboo Wagon Road had for several years superseded them. The engineers of the Canadian Pacific Railway called this place Jacob's Ladder Bluff. It is some five or six miles below Boston Bar, on the railway side of the river. At Spuzzum, which was reached on June 27th, the party was "hospitably entertained with fresh salmon, boiled green and dried berries, oil and onions." The burial ground across the river from the Indian encampment attracted Eraser's attention and he obtained permission to visit it. He thus records his impressions of the native sepulchres at this place: "These tombs are superior to anything of the kind I saw among savages; they are about fifteen feet long and of the form of a chest of drawers. Upon the boards and posts, are beasts and birds carved in a curious but rude manner, yet pretty well proportioned. These monuments must have cost the workmen much time and labour, as they must have been destitute of proper
Ch 10-7
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010266 BRITISH COLUMBIA under way. "After passing the first cascade," Fraser continues, "she lost her course and was drawn into the eddy where she was swirled about for a considerable time, seemingly in suspense whether to sink or swim, the men having no power over her. However, she took a favourable turn and by degrees was led from this dangerous vortex again into the stream. In this manner she continued, flying from one cascade to another until the last but one, where, in spite of every effort, the whirlpools forced her against a low, projecting rock. Upon this, the men debarked, saving their own lives, and contrived to save the property, but the greatest difficulty was still ahead, and to continue by water would be the way to certain destruction." The journal then proceeds: — "During this distressing scene we were on shore looking on and anxiously concerned. Seeing our poor fellows once more safe afforded us much satisfaction but their situa- tion rendered our approach perilous and difficult. The bank was extremely high and steep and we had to plunge our daggers at intervals into the ground, to check our speed as otherwise we were disposed to slide into the river. We cut steps into the declivity, fastened a line into the front of the canoe with which one of the men ascended, in order to haul it up, while the others supported it upon their arms. In this manner our situation was most precarious, our lives hung as it were upon a thread, as the failure of the line or a false step of one of the men, might have hurled the whole of us into eternity. However, we fortunately cleared the bank before dark." Again the party proceeded, and arrived at the Great Canyon, near the point where Kelly Creek enters the river. At this place the men donned their best clothes, and the two Indians being clothed only in skins, were each given a blanket and cape, so that the party might appear to good advantage to the new tribe that dwelt on the banks of the river below. The rapid was soon reached, and Eraser's descrip- tion of it runs thus: — "Here, the channel contracts to about 40 yards, and is enclosed bv two precipices of immense height, which, bending towards each other, make it narrower above than below. The water which rolls down this extraordinary passage in tumultuous waves' and with great velocity, had a frightful appearance. However, it being absolutely impossible to carry the canoes by land, all hands without hesitation embarked as it were a 'corps perdu' upon the BRITISH COLUMBIA 267 mercy of this awful tide. Once launched, the die was cast, our great difficulty consisted in keeping the canoes within the medium, or, fil d'eau, that is, clear of the precipice on the one side, and from the gulfs formed by the waves on the other. Thus skimming along as fast as lightning, the crews cool and determined, following each other in awful silence, and when we arrived at the end, we stood gazing at each other in silent congratulations at our narrow escape from total destruction." Having arrived at the Indian camp below the canyon, the river was reported by the natives "as a dreadful chain of apparently insur- mountable difficulties" and it was asserted that it would be impossible for strangers to proceed either by land or water, owing to the rapids and the mountainous nature of the country through which the river forced its way. Nevertheless the undaunted leader having prevailed upon an Indian to accompany him as pilot continued his journey. Of the country through which he passed that 9th of June, 1808, Fraser remarks: — "I scarcely saw anything so dreary and dangerous in any country, and at present, while writing this, whatever way I turn my eyes, mountains upon mountains, whose summits are cov- ered with eternal snows close the gloomy scene." On the following day it was borne in upon Fraser that it was impossible to proceed by water, and it was therefore decided to con- tinue the journey by land along the banks of the river. Accordingly, near Pavilion Creek, a scaflfolding was erected upon which the canoes were placed, covered by branches of trees to protect them from the sun. Such articles as could not be carried were buried in the ground, some openly before the Indians, but others in a secret cache, as it was deemed inadvisable to place implicit trust in their expressions of good will. The vessels used up to this point were the ordinary birch bark canoes of the Canadian furtrader. The canoes of the Indians of the Fraser are of a totally different type, being dug-outs, of the form so familiar even in the present day. On the upper reaches of the river, the natives make their canoes from the trunk of the Cottonwood tree, but on the lower reaches, as on the coast, the canqes are made from cedar. The cottonwood canoes are not nearly so symmetrical or so well finished as those made from cedar. Cotton- wood warps rather easily, whereas cedar will retain its shape indefinitely. 268 BRITISH COLUMBIA The explorer had now entered the territory of the Lillooets, or as he termed them, the "Askettih nation." These natives treated the strangers with great kindness and regaled them with "roots, wild onion syrup, dried salmon and berries." Here Fraser learned that the sea was distant about ''ten nights" from the village. A garrulous old man claimed that he had been to the "Stinking Lake" where he had seen great caves, and he gave a pantomimic exhibition of the behaviour of the white men he had met at the coast, strutting up and down he exclaimed "this is the way they go." An idea of the care with which it was necessary to proceed may be gathered from an entry in the journal under the date of 14th June. "Last night (it is recorded), some of the natives, having remarked that we were not white men but enemies in disguise, gave offence to our old chief and a serious altercation took place in consequence. They stated that his tribe were their natural enemies and that some of his young men had made war upon them in the Spring. This he readily admitted, but observed that these were foolish young men who escaped without his knowledge. Seeing that the debate was growing warm, we interposed and the argument ended amicably. Then the Old Chief sent couriers ahead to inform the Natives that we were not enemies; not to be alarmed at our appearance and to meet us without arms, at the same time he strongly recommended us to be on our guard." On the 14th, Fraser reached "the Forks," in all probability the junction of the Bridge and Fraser rivers. As it was deemed important that the Lillooets should be duly impressed with the mission, the men shaved and dressed in their best apparel before resuming the march. Soon the ambassadors of the "Askettihs" appeared, "dressed in their coats of mail," as the explorer termed the leather jackets of these people. With all due ceremony a palaver was held with the ambassadors, who "looked manly and had really the appearance of warriors." The chiefs spoke with a certain rude grace and fluency, and their oratorv had a great effect upon the native retinue. The explorer seized the occasion to speak of the advantages that would accrue to the Indians if friendly relations should be established with the white men. It will be recalled that he had been instructed to prepare the way for the establishment of trading stations near the mouth of the river. BRITISH COLUMBIA 269 For several days three friendly Indians had accompanied the party, an old chief, a guide and an interpreter. These had volunteered to introduce the explorer to the different tribes whose territories lay in his path. So far they had faithfully kept their word, and had materially assisted in preparing the way for a friendly reception from chiefs who, otherwise, might have been hostile to the strangers. How- ever, on the morning following the palaver with the Lillooet chiefs, Fraser, to his mortification, found that these men had disappeared in the night. Evidently, like all the natives of the upper reaches, they feared the tribes that dwelt near the mouth of the river, especially the fierce warriors of the Cowichan nation, whose forays kept the clans of the lower river in a perpetual state of alarm. This untoward incident gave the explorer pause for anxious thought. "Here we are," he states in his journal after relating the disappearance of the 'guides, "in a strange country surrounded with danger and number- less tribes of savages who have never seen the face of a white man; however, we shall endeavor to make the best of it." Pursuing his journey the furtrader and his little following reached Lillooet on the 15th of June. "The village (says Fraser) is a fortification of 100 feet by 24 surrounded by (a) pallisade eighteen feet high, slanting inward and lined with a shorter row which supports a shade, covering, with bark, constituting the dwell- ings." At the "Metropolis" of the Askettih tribe, Fraser, after much haggling and bargaining obtained a canoe for a file and a kettle; but the natives would not part with their provisions. By dint of much persuasion, however, thirty dried salmon were procured. The wares of the trader had already found their way to this country. A new copper tea kettle and a large gun, of Russian make, were seen in the village. In passing from Soda Creek to Lillooet no less than fifteen days were consumed. Soda Creek was left behind on May 31st and Lillooet reached on June 15th; but Fraser was often obliged to stop by the way to placate the Indians, and in these friendly overtures much time was lost. Four days after leaving Lillooet, the expedition passed into the territory of the Thompson Indians, whom Fraser calls "Haca- maugh." The men were handsomely dressed in leather, and they possessed many horses, with which they helped him at a carrying 270 BRITISH COLUMBIA place near by. The explorer was greatly impressed with this fine tribe. He thus alludes to one of its encampments, not far from Lytton: ''The Indians of this village were about four hundred souls, and some of them appeared very old. They live among mountains, and enjoy pure air, are cleanlily inclined, and make use of wholesome food. We observed several European articles among them, viz: a copper tea kettle, a brass camp kettle, a strip from a common blanket and clothing such as the Cree women wear. These things we sup- posed, were brought from our settlements beyond the mountains; indeed the Indians make us understand as much." ^ Of all the villages visited on this occasion, scarcely any were without articles of European manufacture, which shows that inter- tribal commerce flourished among the primitive peoples of the trans- montane region. As a matter of fact, Simon Eraser was at this time on the most frequented of the few great trade routes, or lines of inter- course, which, in pre-historic times, connected the littoral with the interior. Other lines of communication followed, — the Nass River, the Skeena River, and the Bella Coola River (the route followed by Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1793). Erom time immemorial the native merchants of the coast and of the interior had met on the banks of these rivers to exchange the commodities of their respective territories. An interchange of culture probably followed those avenues of communication and trade; but the anthropologist or the ethnologist is more concerned with that phase of the subject than the historian — therefore it will not be discussed here. Of all these lines of social and commercial intercourse, north of the Columbia River, the one following the Eraser was perhaps the most important. The wares of the maritime furtrader were passed from tribe to tribe along this ancient highway of the native races, and so reached the remotest parts of the northern interior. On the same day (June 19th) Eraser visited the great village at the confluence of the Eraser and Thompson Rivers. "Camchin," as the natives called this place, is beautifully situated on a high terrace on the left bank of the Eraser, just below the point where the clear waters of the Thompson join the larger stream. It was at that time an important centre of the Thompson Indians — perhaps the most cultured and enlightened of all the aborigines of British Columbia. 1 Simon Fraser's Journal, Masson, p. i8i.
Ch 10-6
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010BRITISH COLUMBIA 261 away he asked me for something of every article I was possessed of, but I refused him everything — they are sweet mouths, thieves, lyers and in short have every bad quality; therefore you have no occasion to believe them. It matters very little wheather a person is hated or beloved by them, as they are a lazy set of vagabonds. Qua owes 8 skins from this place, Le Traiteur 3 do, & his Big brother 6 d" & La Vielle Naschoes mother 53/. "Almost all the Nathans are gone over to Steela to a Grand feast to Burn and ( ) a couple of Chiefs that died of late. When they return from there they will go to the Mountains to kill Carribou "I will expect the men back on the i6th early "I am D-" McDougall "Yours Sincerely "Simon Fraser. "Mr. J. McDougall." No apology is offered for presenting these letters, because they recall more vividly than could be done in any other way, the events and happenings that go to make up the earliest history of the north- ern interior. The writers were far too much engrossed in the work of the hour, to find time to give polished descriptions of events and things which to them were of no great significance. Indeed the fur- traders, with few exceptions, failed to realize that they were making history. Perhaps it is this very unconsciousness, that invests their diaries and letters with such deep interest. They did not write for publication, nor for any other purpose than to give a bare account of their transactions and exploits. It is evident that Fraser intended to follow the course of the Great River in 1807, but he could not carry out the plans outlined in his letters to James McDougall and John Stuart, as the expected supplies and reinforcements did not arrive in time. The remoteness of the new posts, and the tedious and difficult route by which they were approached, made it no easy task to keep them adequately supplied with merchandise. All the articles required for the trade of the district had to be brought across the continent from Fort William on Lake Superior and nearly a year would be consumed in carrying the articles to their destination. It was quite impossible 262 BRITISH COLUMBIA to establish new posts, or to explore new territories, without an additional force of men. As a matter of fact, the position of Simon Fraser at this time was one fraught with embarrassment. But in the face of obstacles which would have disheartened a man of less determination, he doggedly persevered. In 1807 he journeyed to and fro in New Caledonia, gathering furs, and establishing friendly relations with the "sweetmouths, thieves, and lyers," as he described the surrounding Indians. In the autumn of 1807, however, Jules Maurice Quesnel and Hugh Faries arrived with two canoes, laden with supplies. They also carried a despatch from headquarters, instructing Fraser with- out loss of time to explore the "Great River." With the aid of these reinforcements, the furtrader planted another post, which he called Fort George, at the confluence of the Nechaco and Fraser Rivers. Apparently this fort was built as a base for the expedition which was to descend the river in the following spring, as well as to serve the surrounding district. It is a fair deduction that the North West Company wished to forestall the Americans on the lower Columbia. Lewis and Clark had completed their memorable journey to the shores of the Pacific, and, after many perilous adventures, had returned to St. Louis in safety. It was this news, no doubt, that induced the North West Company to hurry instructions across the continent to the partner in New Caledonia to act without delay. It should be borne in mind that the "Great River," discovered by Mackenzie, was generally The news brought by Faries and Quesnel gave a fillip to Fraser's to determine that it was not the Columbia, but another river, which debouched many miles to the northward of Cape Disappointment. The news brought by Fairies and Quesnel gave a fillip to Fraser's preparations. In May, 1808, he gathered his men at Fort George, whence the little force was to proceed into the unknown territory to the south westward. Fraser of course followed the practice of the furtrader and carefully recorded from day to day the experi- ences of that memorable excursion and fortunately his diary — or rather a report based upon his diary — has been preserved. Several years ago it was published by the late Senator L. R. Masson in his valuable work "Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest." Senator Masson's document is evidently a report prepared after the BRITISH COLUMBIA 263 return of the explorer — in other words it is a "fair copy" made from the original notes in more than one handwriting. In the Academy of Pacific Coast History of the University of California there is a tran- script of part of Eraser's Journal (covering the period May 30th to June loth, 1808), which in style corresponds to the letters already quoted. This is seemingly a true copy of the original. In substance these two journals are the same, although in the fragment preserved in the Academy of Pacific Coast History certain particulars as to the courses of the river are given which do not appear in the Masson version. There is no reason to question the authenticity of the Mas- son document which is one of the cherished possessions of the Toronto Public Library. For the purposes of this narrative the Journal as printed by Masson has been followed, because it covers the whole journey, and because, as already stated, there is no reason to doubt its validity. Before proceeding with the narrative, it is necessary to allude to a curious thing in connection with the Journal. It commences on Saturday, May 22nd, but the next entry bears the date of Sunday, May 29th. As this is not a misprint, it is hard to account for the days between the 22nd and the 29th of the month. It is certain that from the time of the departure of the expedition from Fort George until May 29th no more than a day's journey was accom- plished. Witbiut further evidence, which is scarcely likely to be forthcoming, it would be useless to attempt to solve the problem. "Having made every necessary preparation for a long voyage, we embarked at 5 o'clock A. M. in four canoes at Fraser's River. Our crew consisted of nineteen men, two Indians, Mr. Stuart, Mr. Ques- nel, and myself, in all twenty-four." This is the simple and unafifected introduction to the narrative of one of the most remarkable of all those heroic enterprises which are the warp and woof of the early history of the western frontier of the North American Continent. Thus was launched the expedi- tion which was destined to accomplish for the Fraser River what Lewis and Clark had accomplished for the Columbia but three years before. Sweeping down with the current, the canoes passed safely through Fort George Canyon and reached Cottonwood Canyon, where the river contracts into a narrow channel between high rocky banks. 264 BRITISH COLUMBIA Here, one of the canoes was nearly wrecked. On the second day the explorer reached a beautiful country, of which he observed: — "This scenery has a very fine aspect, consisting of extensive plains, and, behind these, hills rising over hills." And again : — "this country interspersed with meadows, hills, dales, and high rocks, has on the whole a romantic and pleasant appearance." It is not an easy matter to fix upon Eraser's position from day to day, but it is likely that these remarks refer to the countrv between Quesnel and Alexandria. However, the little vessels, running with the stream, soon reached a region of wild and forbidding grandeur. The land was populous, for manv Indian dwellings and villages were noticed. On Monday, the 30th of May, Fraser landed before a large house, probably in the vicinity of Linden Creek, and here he conversed with the natives, from whpm he learned that it would be dangerous to proceed — "before his intention was publicly known throughout the country." He therefore decided to remain at the house for the rest of the day. Mounted couriers were des- patched to the tribe below with the news that white strangers were about to pass through their territories. In the course of the day Eraser's journal records, "Tahowtans" and "Atnaughs" rode into the village. "They seemed peacefully inclined, and happy to see us" — "and observed that having heard from their neighbours that white people were to visit their country, had remained to meet us." When asked to describe the river below, they said it was but a suc- cession of falls and cascades, and urged Fraser to discontinue his voyage and to remain with them. Firearms were unknown among these people, and when the voyageurs discharged their muskets they "dropped ofif their legs with fright."" Upon recovering from their surprise they were invited to examine the effect of the shot, and, as Fraser says, they "appeared quite uneasv on seeing the marks on the trees, and observed that the Indians in that quarter were good and peaceable, and would never make use of their arms to annoy white people. Yet, they remarked, we ought to take great care on approaching villages, for should we surprise the natives, they might take us as enemies, and, through fear, attack us." This sage advice was sedulouslv followed. Fraser never failed to induce the chiefs of the successive tribes he visited to introduce him to their immediate neighbours beyond. BRITISH COLUMBIA 265 Day by day, as he proceeded, dangers and difficulties increased. It was frequently necessary to seek information from the Indians respecting the river and now and again a native artist would be asked to sketch its course thence onward to the sea. But invariably Fraser received the same reply, that the river below was a series of unnavigable canyons, flanked on either side by impassable mountains of sheer rock. At various points during their passage, bales of dried salmon were cached, in case they should be needed on the homeward way. During the greater part of the voyage the men lived upon the land, that is to say, they were dependent upon the Indians for their supply of provisions. Salmon, dried and fresh, berries, nuts, wild onions, and other viands were sometimes abundant; but often the men were in sore straits for food. The voyageurs, like the Carthagenians of old, were fond of dog's flesh, and, whenever they lodged at a village or encamp- ment of friendly natives, they feasted upon this delicacy. Now floating peacefully with the tide, now dashing wildly down terrific rapids, the canoes went swiftly forward. Quite frequently, however, the baggage and even the canoes themselves had to be car- ried over long and difficult portages, where deep ravines, steep hills, and yawning chasms appeared to ofTer insuperable obstacles. The men suffered greatly; and often their path was rough with jagged stones, so that their moccasins were frequently and quickly in dis- repair as, footsore and weary, they carried their heavy packs from point to point where they might again launch their frail vessels upon the turbulent stream, then in high flood. It was not long before the accounts of the natives were verified; soon the expedition reached that part of the river which is but a succession of canyons and rapids. At one place for two miles, the river foamed and boiled between ''high banks which contracted the channel in many places to forty or fifty yards." The journal continues: — "This immense body of water passing through this narrow space in a turbulent manner, formed numerous gulfs and cascades, and making a tremendous noise, iiad an awful and forbidding appearance. Nevertheless, since 'it was considered as next to impossible to carry the canoes across the land, on account of the height and steepness of the hills, it was resolved to venture down the dangerous pass." Five of the most experienced men were ordered into a canoe, and in a moment it was
Ch 10-5
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010256 BRITISH COLUMBIA While Fraser was busily engaged in superintending the opera- tions in the new district, John Stuart was not idle. He also moved from post to post. In February, 1807, ^^ ^^^ ^^ McLeod or Trout Lake — the "T. Lake" of Fraser. While there he received a letter from his superior, which throws a new light upon the character of Simon Fraser, who held Stuart in high esteem, and therefore writes more openly to him than to James McDougall. Fraser was then at "Natleh," and, under the date of February ist, he addressed the following letter to his friend and lieutenant: "Natleh ist February 1807. "My d'" friend "Yours of the 12th Jany I received only yesterday, so you see they took much more time than they ought, so I am sure you will be getting out of Patience before you receive this. It is with the greatest pleasure that I always receive letters from you, they contain much useful information & instruction, tho' the subject of your last cannot be agreeable it is satisfactory, knowing how matters stood at T. Lake upon your arrival there — which you have written in a copious & lively manner; notwithstanding yoyr mind being obscured in thought you wrote with ease. "I sympathize with you my friend under your Present affliction for the loss of Mr. R. Stuart, your Late Dearest of Brothers, and hope he has only left this world of Trouble and vexation to go to ever-lasting bliss. We cannot shun that Power which Rules our fate; therefore it should be our only consolation to be Prepared for our last and awful end. "It is a true observation of yours that when the head fails the Body soon goes to wreck, which has been the decay of Trout Lake since last November. That business is so intricate that a person cannot easily see into it. However, it seems that Lamalice had an ascen- dancy over Mr. McD., but then I am sure that he can change both his ( ) and his manners to the will of his master & his interest. It seems then that the debt he was said to have made at the Portage was only put in effect at Trout Lake, while Mr. McD. was at the Indians. "I immagine when you take account of the Dry goods that you will find thev suffered less or more like the stores. Had Lamalice BRITISH COLUMBIA 257 behaved honestly he would have come to Nakazleh. It is not a good excuse that he was not ordered. It was our last directions to him when he started from Nakazleh in the summer that he was to come and winter there and if any person along the Road wished to detain him not to mind them unless absolutely kept. Mr. McD. owns that he gave Bugne leave to take the woman that St. Pierre had last winter. This was like the rest of his conduct — he knew full well that she was taken from St. Pierre merely to give up the Custom of taking any more women from the Indians and that St. Pierre was promised that no other Frenchman would get her. I received my order (the coat and Trowsers are amazing large), my Equip', also, which is extremely bad and the Trousers so small that I cannot put them on much less make use of them, and tho' you were pleased to send me your Capot instead of mine it is also too small for me. I own the Eqt. to be (Chilipi), but then I should rather think that it is the fault of those who put it up at L. L. Pluie than the Com- panys. Upon the note you mention a pair of Corduroy Trousers which I did not receive & received a handk^ there is no mention of — I also received the small axes and lo pounds sugar & some tea, with which I will content myself at present. A good net cannot be had for a small ax. I traded one of small meshes which appears very good for an half ax. I only got 50 salmon for a small axe today. 1 sent ofif Saucier and Gagnon with 200 salmon for you & 60 as pro- visions for themselves, but I am afraid they will take much time to go there on account of the road being stoped or filled up with snow between Nakazleh and your place. All the salmon that is here has been picked and the best sent over before, therefore, I beg of you not to complain of what I send now and indeed to be free with you dont expect you will have occasion to eat sal", yourself. As you are a good Economist you will provide something better and hope your returns will prove better than you expect. The powder and Truisies Lands will give you better than five packs, as I am informed they have made a pretty good hunt I expect to have the pleasure of seeing you before the embarkation, as you expressed a wish of coming to take the longitude of this Place, & if you can settle your Post in such a manner that it will not sufifer by your absence I will expect you by the return of the Express from the Peace River — 258 BRITISH COLUMBIA "I now inform you of a plan I have in view for the summer expe- dition which is thus, to get all the goods required at least what he had brought over to Nakazleh as soon as possible upon the Ice by going round by the New Road, when the navigation is open would cause the loss of much time and I expect that the ice will break up in this river nearly a month before the Lakes of the Mountains. Probably a canoe would take more time than we think by that Route and Guides would be wanted as well as a canoe at Trout Lake, but by starting from Nak. the canoes that will be made in this western Division will both answer for going down; but then perhaps the one canoe that would go up would bring everything from Trout Lake to the confluence of this River, where the other canoe and any Pro- visions that may be Procured in this quarter will be left in cache. I leave it to your Judgment to determine which Plan would be the best. I think to get the goods over immediately would be the most expeditious. lo pieces goods exclusive of Provisions will answer for going below, viz. 3 Bales, ' _> Bale Kettles, ' 2 Case Guns, i cas- sette, I case Iron, y^ Roll Tobacco, i Keg Powder, 1 Bag Ball, i Bag Shot, and 1/2 Keg high wines, and I doubt if this same can be spared. Trout Lake must not be left destitute for the summer and something will be required for Nakazleh. I have not the list of what came there in the fall, nor do I know what is there now, but then if you think this a good Plan you know (what) would be necessary, and that can be spared for the 3 bales and the cassette. The sooner it would be sent over the better before any other work is begun. Besides the above articles a supply will be wanted for Nakazleh, this can be done and to that end every man that can be mustered ought to be sent over with a load — all could be brought over in one Trip each man. Can Provisions be had and what quantity? Perhaps it would be more easy and sure getting Provisions by going there in a Canoe, suppos- ing a few furs would be had at the Lower houses they cannot go out this year. I -will send over the few furs that are here immediately with fish to Nak. to be in readiness to send over all the furs that are there and to bring across any goods that we may want. With this I send you over my Journal since the qth April except from the time we arrived at Nakazleh until the 20th Aug* which I expect you will be able to bring up. It is exceeding ill wrote worse worded & not well spelt. But then I know you can make a good Journal of it. BRITISH COLUMBIA 259 if you expunge some parts and add to others, and make it out in the manner you think most Proper, it will make away with a good deal of your time and Paper but I think it necessary to send it to headquarters in the light Canoe, as it will give our Gentlemen a good deal of information about this Country. You will also receive the two letters you sent me by Blais, I would keep them to copy but I heard you say that you could make up a good Journal from your letters, but then you will send them back in the spring. Your last letter I will copy and send it over another time. With this I enclose what I have of the men's acct*. "Please send over Mr. McD. Journals of last winter at the Por- tage and Trout Lake &'', of last summer, this winter, to be copied by himself. There are some of them I did not see as yet & it would be necessary for you to look over them and point out anything that is not necessary to be in them. All this will be giving you much trouble and work, but then it will be of service to the Company & some credit to ourselves, to have the Journals in better order; was I possessed of your abilities I would willingly undertake doing all myself. I will send over more of my Journal by next conveyance. I have suc- ceeded in sending back Qua, le Gourmand & several others of the Indians of Nakazleh, and many of the stragglers that were here dispersed as they have ate up all the salmon those of this place had. They now go to trade to Steela, so I apprehend not being able to procure any for the summer — had I men here I would go and trade there also. As I cannot think of any thing more at Present I con- clude my Dear Stuart "Your friend & serv* "whilst "Simon Fraser." "Mr. John Stuart "P. S. I will be in want of a few small kettles at this place, therefore, you can send one half bale which will serve for both these places — & some Common Cloth & ( ) if any will remain after the men have all their Equipments. We have found Birch here but tho' the bark is not very good we can get enough to make a canoe. "I will send you herbs by next opportunity. 1 have none now 260 BRITISH COLUMBIA Dried but then you ought to have sent me a token of Tobacco first, as for a calumet, you have Power to make one. "Yours sincerely S. F. "I will depend upon you for cords to tye our Salmon, Leather Babiche &^ "if you send people with pieces they will return from Nakazleh. M"" McD hunters do nothing — he had no person to send to the Powders band this Trip. I send over loo Beaver. It is bad weather continually snowing which will cause the people to take much time to perform any voyage. I am Positively informed that the Nas- cudenees have horses that they got from the East. Many of the Natlians are in mourning for the Deaths of some of their Eminant men. We have had some broils with them — nothing spoils Indians so much as the men having intercourse with them. "Yours etc. S. F." On February loth, 1807, Fraser indites another letter to McDou- gall, which is noteworthy for its emphatic expression of the writer's opinion of the Indians of the country. It reads: "Natleh loth Feby. 1807 "D' McDougall "I received your favour yesterday forenoon, and indeed it was high time for the bearers to return their 9th day; the voyage might easily be performed in 5 days. Waka and Minard started in the morning at about a couple hours sun, with a few furs and the other two men will be ofif in the afternoon with each a load of salmon for the purpose of conducting the furs to Trout Lake as soon as pos- sible, but the people that I send over at present must all return that I may go & trade salmon at Steela, after which they will be employed to convey the furs to Trout Lake. Should any person arrive from M. Stu " before that time, you can send them back with a Pack each. Particular care must be taken that the furs be well envelloped & that the rats or mice do not cut them in the store. It is very Proper that the men should be prevented from Trading with the Indians, and dont allow any of them to trade without permission. "The Gourmand that says that I give the goods for so very little in return, ask him what he got from me. The day before he went
Ch 10-4
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010250 BRITISH COLUMBIA sheet of water, and, having met the Indians of the neighbourhood, he presented to one of them a piece of red cloth as a token of friendship. When the natives beheld the canoes of the traders sweep down the lake, this man, donning his red cloth badge, fearlessly paddled forth to meet them, much to the dismay of his fellow tribes- men, who feared for his safety. Toeyen, for such was his name, was welcomed by Fraser, and given a seat in one of his canoes. As the explorers approached the shore, the Indian spoke to his people, assuring them that the strangers had come as friends. The Carriers, who had in the meantime, prepared to repel by force this invasion of their lands, being thus reassured, permitted the white men to dis- embark. Fraser, long accustomed to dealing with savages, adroitly won their confidence by the distribution of largesse, in the form of tobacco and soap. The former was tasted and thrown away, but the women promptly proceeded to eat the latter, mistaking it for fat. when to their astonishment the substance turned to foam in their mouths. Still more were the natives surprised when the voyageurs lit their pipes, and puffed smoke from their mouths. The strangers were taken for spirits in whom their crematory fires vet burned, not an altogether unnatural conclusion, seeing that these people burned their dead. These strange happenings. Father Morice records, filled the Indians with awe, but when the use of the different articles had been explained to them, their fear gave way to admiration. It will be seen presently how they impressed Simon Fraser. Without delay, the explorer seized upon the most favourable location for a post, and began to erect buildings a short distance above the outlet of the lake. Thus was founded the celebrated Fort St. James, a place which has figured prominently in the history of New Caledonia, as Fraser christened the new domain of the North \^'est Company. Unfortunately, at this time the expedition began to run short of supplies; the salmon were late in reaching their spawning grounds and the situation soon became serious. In order to lessen the dif- ficulty of feeding his men, Fraser divided his forces and despatched John Stuart to examine the country to the southwest. Before separ- rating, the explorers agreed to meet later in the season at the con- fluence of the Stuart and Nechaco Rivers. Meanwhile, Fraser superintended the construction of the new post and explored the BRITISH COLUMBIA 251 adjacent region, gaining a knowledge of the country, not only by personal surveys, but also by gathering from the Indians all informa- tion that might assist him in his work. In due course Fraser and Stuart met at the appointed rendezvous, the latter bringing with him such a glowing account of the region he had just left, that his superior decided to return thither forth- with to establish yet another trading post. Notwithstanding the lack of supplies and the inadequacy of their force, the heroic men pro- ceeded to the sheet of water named Fraser Lake by John Stuart, after the leader of the expedition. Soon the salmon appeared, and the rivers and lakes yielded such an abundant harvest that the men were soon surfeited with a diet of fish. Upon the conclusion of these operations, Blais, a voyageur, was placed in charge of the fort on Fraser Lake, and Fraser and his lieutenant retired for the winter to Nakazleh, the earliest name of Fort St. James. In this wise were the first permanent posts established in the interior, long before the country in which they are situated received its present name, and long before any permanent settlements were formed on the coast. The Spanish settlement at Nootka, formed in 1789, was abandoned five years later. Nor were the efforts of the maritime furtraders, John Meares and John Kendrick, to estab- lish posts more successful. Because the settlements on the coast, although not founded until a later period, grew more vigorously, and soon became important, their rise and progress have overshadowed these humble beginnings in the central interior in the early years of the nineteenth century. Yet it remains that the first British posts were established, not on the coast but in the interior, a fact that has been often overlooked. Humble as these beginnings were, they mark an epoch in our history, and Simon Fraser is justly entitled to the honour of being reckoned as one of the founders of British Columbia. Fraser, it appears, did not stay at one place in his first winter in the new country. I'rom the few surviving letters and diaries of that interesting period it is known that sometimes he was at "Nakas- leh" (Fort St. James), and sometimes at "Natleh" (Fort Fraser). Not many of the explorer's letters have escaped the ravages of time, but the historian is fortunate in having access to a few blurred 252 BRITISH COLUMBIA pages written by him in New Caledonia. Perhaps these letters are not written in polished English ; perhaps they exhibit more concern with the pett>' details of the furtrade than with stirring incidents; yet they are of surpassing interest, because they throw light upon that early formative period, and give reality to scenes and opera- tions that have long been forgotten. In these letters, the explorer tells, in his own matter of fact words, the story of his hardships and privations, and explains the difficulties of his administration. He himself was not deceived as to their literary merit. Referring to one of them he says — "It is exceeding ill wrote, worse worded and not well spelt." Just before Christmas, Fraser was at "Nakasleh," and on the 21st of the month, he writes to James McDougall, then in charge of the post at McLeod Lake: "21st Dec. 1806. "Nakazleh. "Mr. James McDougall, "I received yours of 30 of October on the 12th inst. at Natleh, and I arrived here on the i8th. Had it not been for the disappoint- ment of the conveyance of letters, on account of the quantity of snow in the mountains, you would have received the news from us long before now. I certainly was highly disappointed and vexed that no canoes arrived to this quarter which is a considerable loss to the Company, and a severe blow to our discoveries. This is the first opportunity I had of sending you a man and powder but with this you will receive St. Pierre and 3 quarts of good powder. I think that it would be a very good plan to go inland to make the Indians work but then you cannot leave the house without some person to take care of it on account of the property. In regard to the Indians, settle with them according to your own best judgment. I have not the least doubt but what you will exert yourself to make them work Beaver until the beginning of February and after that to employ the best hunters to make provision. I am thoroughly con- vinced that your returns will fall far short of your expectations but that is a misfortune that cannot be helped, but then I intreat you to be particular in making the Indians dress their furs properly. The Little Head's br. in Law arrived at Natleh on the 12th conducted BRITISH COLUMBIA 253 by two men. 1 don't know as yet whether he will be of any service or not — the Montaigne de Butte behaves well with Mr. Stuart. Two men that Mr. S. sent to Forests for fish brought the news that three of the Big men were arrived there. Send back Gervis immediately with the news as we intend to send the news after his return to the Peace River. Should an opportunity ofifer forward the General letter to the P. River. Kunchuyse promises to be back in 6 nights. Should you see any Possibility of getting any goods brought up in course of the Summer, please write accordingly. Having nothing more to say upon this subject I must here wish you Joy, as I under- stand that you have entered upon the matrimonial state. I am Glad to hear that the children are well taken care of. I assure you that I am nowise concerned about them as they are under your Protec- tion, the only thing I fear is that you are starving, but I hope it is the contrary with you, so I conclude my dr James, "yours sincerely "Simon Fraser." Again, on the last day of January, 1807, he wrote to James Mc- Dougall, this time from Natleh, or Fraser Lake: "Natleh, 31st Jany 1807. "My dear McDougall "Yours I received this afternoon per the two men from your quarter, whom to be sure took much time, this being their fifth day from Nakazleh, indeed they were not in a hurry as they had plenty provisions, one half of 22 salmon ought to have been enough for them as the voyage can easily be performed in 2 days, 3 at most, allowing the road to be bad. Regarding what you say about the woman that Bugne has, I am noways apprehensive that the com- pany can put their resolve in execution — But then it was wrong of you to have given him leave to take her, you knew full well that she was taken from St. Pierre last spring, merely to give up the custom of taking any more women from the Indians, and that he was prom- ised that no other F'renchman would get her. Your commerce be- tween Blais and Lamalice last spring ought to have been a sufficient W'arning, not to meddle yourself any more about women. — Your conduct at T. Lake is highly blamable and your character as a Trader 254 BRITISH COLUMBIA much blasted which you can only recover, but by your future assi- duity and attention to your business, which I would be most happy at & will befriend you as much as lays in my Power. I am pleased you own your fault and seem sorry for it, & promise to do better for the future. The Company probably will blame us both as they will be highly disappointed in their expectations regarding this Country. We are highly unfortunate — everything has been against us since Last Spring, & nothing was of so much detriment as the Canoes arriving so very late in the fall. We had such a severe spell of bad weather, that is to say it was so very cold for several days after my arrival here that I could not make the Indians of your place set oflf to return until the 25th, when the first band went away, & Q'ua and Le Gourmand, having been upon a visit to Steela the latter did not come back until of late, but both of them set ofT yesterday straight across by the winter Road, they said they would have gone round by the way of Scyciip but that they were too ill Clothed & would starve before they could get to where there are beaver, but they promised me that they will work well until the spring, but I put no faith in what they say. "Those big men must be severely treated to break them of the Custom of coming to the Carriers. The Poudres band has behaved and worked pretty well. 1 heard that there were two Indians who never saw the Fort in that band; Mr. Stuart apprehends that Barbue and manv others \\\\\ not go to the Fort until en canoe — Maitres will answer as well as codline for a cordeau and Mr. S. can send you plenty hooks. I received the Play Book you sent, which will answer very well with the Plaything I brought before. The Tea Kettle I could have done without, ^'our Journal of last winter at the Portage & Trout Lake, as well as the one of last summer & this winter, you must get them brought over to copy, which must be sent to the Peace River by ne.xt opportunity, which 1 e.xpect will be in the later end of March, as the Company require it. Saucier and Gagnon are to be the bearers of this, who start tomorrow morning to take each a Load of fish to Mr. Stuarts and in the mean time to get their equipments & they will bring back a load when they return. Those that came from there say that they lost their way in several places. If true those that go there must have a guide, and I have no doubt but what you can secure one of those Beggars that go over from here for that purpose. E.xpedition is required; the Season is pretty far advanced BRITISH COLUMBIA or,-. and much to be done yet, I send my Journal over to Mr. S. to copy and it must be done in order to send it down by the next opportunity that it may go out to headquarters in the light Canoe. Besides I have another Plan in view, that is if it could be done with ease to get all the goods that will be required for going down the Columbia in the Spring as well as whatever will be necessary for your Post for the Summer Trade, brought over from T. Lake upon the snow, as 1 fear much time would be lost by going there by the New Road in the Spring. I don't know which would be most advantageous, to get the pieces brought over in the winter, or go for them in the Spring en canoe; at all events bark must be had, to make a Canoe at Nakaz- leh, as I e.xpect Mr. McLeod will send us a canoe maker, & I have been informed that there is plenty good Bark very near your place — which is absolutely necessary you should ascertain as soon as pos- sible. Here we know where there is wherewith to make a Canoe. I cannot think of anything else So I conclude My dear McDougall as usual "Your well wisher "SiMox Fraser." This letter is of peculiar interest because it vividly portrays the troubles that beset the founders of New Caledonia, and it is important because it shows that Fraser's work in tiic northern interior, was only preparatory for that which was to follow. His great under- taking was yet before him. The North West Company's occupation of New Caledonia had apparently a twofold object, the annexation of the territory abounding in beaver discovered by Mackenzie and the establishment of a base from which niiglit be conducted tlic ambitious enterprise of comiucring the coast region. The paragraph referring to the writer's determination to trace tiie course of the (jreat River, from its head waters to its mouth, clearly shows tliat Frascr knew very well what was expected of him in that particular. That the furtrader had not confined his attention alone to the river routes of the country, is shown by his reference to tiie "new road," which was the trail, just cut, between Nakasleh and Fort McLeod, which, from this record, appears to have been the first highway, if such it may be termed, constructed in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains.
Ch 10 – 3
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010BRITISH COLUMBIA 245 The next excerpt treats of the arrival at Trout Lake, the neigh- bouring Carp Lake and the fish obtainable there. "Saturday, 7th June. We arrived at the house between 10 and 1 1 A. M. Mr. McDougall has been anxiously waiting for us these several days. He informed us that several of the Carriers are daily expected here, and that all the Indians of this place are at the Carp Lake where there are immense numbers of fish of the Carp Kind and that there is no fish caught in this Lake excepting a very few carp on account of the water being too high, notwithstanding which we are determined to feed all hands with fish while we remain here making canoes, and for that purpose began immediately to prepare nets. Mr. Stuart being the most expert hand mending, he mended them all and Saucier and the others set six and the Indians set some also." Not the least of Simon Fraser's difficulties arose from a recur- rence of sickness among his men. "We are really ill of," he writes on Saturday, 28th June, "in regard to the men, Saucier is sick, Gagnon complains of his side, Blais of having a pain and a lump upon his stomach, Gervais is not well and La Londe is not able to s'teer his canoe." La Malice also seems to have caused a great deal of trouble — wit- ness the entry of July the first: "La Malice walked over both the Portages though we ofifered to carry him; he is very troublesome in his sickness and called Mr. Stuart to his tent to 'tell him his mind.' He enquired if either of us owed him a grudge. This he asked, he said, because while at the Portage we disregarded him and now considered him no more than a dog. Mr. Stuart told him that if either of us owed him a grudge,, or had anything to say to him that we would not wait his being in his present weak condition to do it and that if he had been in better health, since he began the subject himself, he would perhaps tell him' his opinion of himself and sickness. This assertion of his (La Mal- ice), is entirely false; we have been attentive and kind to him. Noth- ing is more certain than that from the time he declared himself sick he was as well attended and taken care of as if it was one of ourselves- and, notwithstanding his complaints, he used more than one-half of the medicine (God knows good or bad), we possessed and destroyed more flour and sugar than both of us did since we left the Portage;; 246 BRITISH COLUMBIA and yet he threatents to remain upon the beach and not embark, alleg- ing that by agreement he is not obliged to voyage in this part of the country and (is) not well taken care of. When we prepared to leave him here with a bag of Pemmican, exclusive of the other provisions we had, and a man to conduct him down to Trout Lake, not one of them would consent to remain unless absolutely compelled and, as he is brutish and appears as if inclined to commit suicide, we did not think it right to compel a man to remain with him, so we will be obliged to take him with us, and attend to him the best way we can; and yet, I must own that he is not very deserving, but it is a dutv incumbent on one Christian to help another in distress and we will continue to take care of him, more for our own sake than his." At this point an event of some importance is noted which, from the nature of the same, deserves a special prominence; and indeed one can well understand and almost re-echo the note of satisfaction which rings in the record when, on July the loth, Simon Fraser beheld the Large River — the Fraser. "At lo A. M.," writes the explorer, "we arrived at the Large River opposite an Island without encountering any other difficulty than cutting several trees that laid across the channel and we were most happy at having exempted the long and bad carrying place and seeing ourselves once more on the banks of a fine and navigable river." Fraser goes on to observe: "This is a fine river and not unlike the Athabaska, but not so large and the Indian we left at the height or point of land informed us that the upper end of it was the most ordinary residence of the Saya-T/iaii- Dennehs (Baucanne Indians), which corroborates what the Carriers tell us of these Indians as to their being enemies when they go a hunt- ing in that quarter. I have seen one that was wounded last summer; and his brother was killed, which is likely the same that was men- tioned by one of the Baucanne Indians last winter at Dunvegan as having been killed there. All accounts agree that large animals as well as those of the fur kind are in great abundance, particularly towards the upper end. Could this be relied upon and that the Baucanne Indians are really thereabouts, an establishment in my opinion w^ould be well placed at the point of land. There is excel- lent fish in the three Lakes and in two of them Salmon abounds in its season and by all accounts animals are not far off; indeed of this we had ocular demonstration ourselves, so that people would live well BRITISH COLUMBIA 247 there — a no immaterial object in this quarter — and the Baucanne Indians would be much more easily got to come there than to any part ot the Peace River, on account of their being afraid of the Beaver Indians, and the Big Men, though they seldom meet they live in amity." . The preceding entry is followed by a graphic description of the Bad River together with a just tribute to Sir Alexander Mackenzie, who gave it its appropriate name: "Sir A. M. K. seems to have examined the bad river with atten- tion, for, as far as he went down the Peace he describes it with great exactness. It is certainly well named and a most dangerous place, being much intersected with large stones, fallen trees and embaras, and the current run with such velocity that a canoe, though light, cannot be stopped with poles and it is with great difficulty it can be done by laying hold of the branches, and even that way we often drifted loo and sometimes 200 yards from the time we began to hold the branches before we could bring to. Near its confluence it divides into three branches, all of which I suppose to be navigable, but the one to the right is the best route. We were anxiously looking for cedar and maple along the banks of the river but to no effect, I walked myself except in very few places from one end to the other, but saw no appearance of either, neither did any of the others." The succeeding extract refers to the South Fork, missed or at any rate not recorded by Mackenzie, at whom Simon Fraser has here another tilt on account of the importance of the omission: "Friday, July i ith. Fine weather. We set ofif early and came on with great expedition and before we entered the great Fork passed several Rapids, but the current is slack in many places. The banks of the River are well stocked with wood and we saw Hemlock and cedar of a large size with some small plum. At sunset we got to the River. This River is not mentioned bv Sir A. .M. K. which surprises me not a little, it being full in siglit and a line large River and, in the state we saw it, equal in size to that of the Athabaska River and forms what Mr. McDougall in his journal of last spring calls the great Fork. It flows in from the right, and as far as I can judge about 10 or 12 miles above the first Portage. Sir A. M. K. appears to have been very inaccurate in the courses or there must have been a vast differ- ence in the compass he made use of and the one we had which is old 248 BRITISH COLUMBIA and perhaps not very good. As for the distances I say nothing; it is difficult to determine by sight; but the course of the River is different and ought to agree, at least the distance that leads to the Carriers Lake where Mr. McDougall was last spring. And then formed our encampment on a sandy bank with no wood which, with the rain that fell towards the night and continued until the morning, rendered our situation not very pleasant. Mr. Stuart took the course of the River and made minute remarks on everything." Simon Fraser thus refers to the Nechaco River: "Sunday, July 13th. The banks of the river are beautiful, in many places resembling that of the River Lac La Pluie, and the Liard is the most stupendous I ever saw, as for any other wood or anything else remarkable we saw none that is not clearly mentioned." By no means the least dangerous of the perils of the way arose in the shape of grizzly bears, which abounded in the Nechaco coun- try, then, as now, as the following episode shows : "Sunday, July 13th. About 4 P. M., as we were advancing inside of an Island we saw two cubs in a tree and immediately pulled ashore to fire upon them, but, before we could get to them they were off and La Garde and (Barbueller) who were the first on shore pursued them. The latter soon met the mother and fired upon her to no effect and she pursued him in her turn, but he. being near the water, jumped in and she after him, but soon left him and, as La Garde was advancing, another bear suddenly rushed upon him and tore him in a shocking manner. Had not the dogs passed there at that critical moment he would have been torn to pieces. The Bear left him to defend herself against the dogs and, during the interval, he ran off and jumped into the River and from thence it was with much dif- ficulty he could walk to the canoe. He received nine or ten bad wounds and we encamped early to dress them. We are really unfor- tunate in regard to the men. One of the canoes will now be obliged to continue with three and no great help can be expected." This, the last of these extracts, again illustrates in a forcible man- ner the many difficulties of that eventful journey: "Friday, July i8th. Early in the morning the men cut a road of 300 yards in length, wide enough to carry the canoes which they brought, with all the baggage to the upper end. From thence they set off with only one canoe, on account of the current being strong BRITISH COLUMBIA 249 and several Rapids to pass which they could not ascend with less than six men, and continued for a mile and a half. In the above distance they carried the canoe and loading, over a point of about twice the length of the canoe, and, from the upper end of the Rapid, returned for the other canoe, which was effected at i P. M. From thence we continued up a strong and constant current where we made a small ' Portage and soon got to a high point of perpendicular rock, where we had much trouble to pass and fix lines. Here all hands, except- ing one man who was taking care of the other, were put to one canoe, but, as they were hauling it up the last cascade, it wheeled round and the foreman was obliged to cut the line and they went down to the foot of the Rapid before they could bring to. As this happened through the awkwardness of the people, I made them unload every- thing and bring it up a very steep hill rather than risk anything in the canoe. We made a pretty long portage rather than risk anything in the canoe. We encamped upon a beautiful hill, the canoes were left on the water all tied, it being too late to take them up the rapid and impossible to take them up the hill on account of the steepness. The Indians are ahead, but about sun-set the Montaigne de Butte came before us to get provisions for himself and family. Instead of feeding us, we have been obliged to provide for them; and as yet they have been of no manner of use to us and I am almost sorry for taking them." The expedition then ascended Stuart River and on July 26th entered the Lake Na'kal of the Indians, named Stuart Lake by Fraser, in honour of his friend and companion John Stuart. Unfortunately the explorer's journal ends abruptly on July 18, 1806, and it is therefore impossible to give from Fraser's own words an account of the passage up Stuart River. Although the explorer's report is wanting, the painstaking and Reverend A. G. Morice, O. M. I., in his valuable work entitled "History of the Northwest Interior of British Columbia," has been able to supply the missing links in the chain of history. He has gathered together the traditions of the natives and examined with care the journals and letters of old Fort St. James, and, as a result of his labours, he presents a fascinating account of the reception accorded the discoverers by Chief Kwah's people who dwelt at the outlet of the lake. James McDougall, in the course of the excursion previously referred to, had visited this
Ch 10 – 2
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010240 BRITISH COLUMBIA William, the eldest, succeeded to his father's estates, and Simon the second, emigrated to America with his wife, settling near Benning- ton, in Vermont. This was in 1773, when the Colonies were already in a state of ferment and incipient rebellion. Here Simon, the explorer, was born in 1776. When the Revolutionary War broke out, Simon Fraser, the elder, espoused the Loyalists' cause, joined the loyal forces, and being captured, probably at the Battle of Ben- nington, he was thrown into prison, where according to one authority, he contracted a fever from which he died shortly after his release. It is said that Simon Fraser, the explorer, states in a diary, a frag- ment of which has been preserved, that his father died on board a vessel, which carried away the captured army, presumably of Gen- eral Burgoyne. The accounts are conflicting and the end of the unfortunate father of the hero of this sketch is veiled in obscurity. He left his wife with nine children, four boys and five girls, to fight their own way in the world. After the declaration of peace, the widow, at that time in very straitened circumstances, moved to Can- ada, eventually settling at St. Andrews near the Ottawa River. It is not so specifically recorded, but it is not unlikely, that Mrs. Fraser and her young family came with the United Empire Loyalists, whose exodus gave bone and sinew to the British colonies of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. The Ottawa was the broad highway of the furtraders who passed to and from that great mysterious land which lay towards the set- ting sun. Here, no doubt, the lad Simon often watched the gay brigades of birch-bark canoes, with their dare-devil crews of French Canadians, as they swept up or down the river; and often listened to the rhythmic chamons of the light-hearted voyageurs, as they plied their glistening paddles. It is reasonable to suppose that these sights and sounds, did not fail to stir the heart of the boy, and to appeal to his Gaelic imagination. Thus in his youth, did he, in all probability become familiar with the incidents of the furtrader's life, and boyishly longed to take part in the exploits of the daring men who were then subjugating the wilderness. However this may be, after a term of schooling at Montreal, in 1792. at the age of sixteen, he became an articled clerk of the North West Company, possibly through the influence of his uncle John, who, after serving in Wolfe's army at the capture of Quebec, settled in Canada, and there attained BRITISH COLUMBIA 241 some eminence as one of the King's judges. It appears that the youth soon won his spurs, for in 1802 he became a bourgeois, or part- ner — a distinction only conferred upon men who had proved their worth in the field of enterprise. All the servants of the Company aspired to this distinction, and it was the hope of attaining it that wedded men to the North West Company, and its interests. The generous conduct of that association towards its officers and employees was repaid a thousandfold in devoted services and splen- did loyalty. It was the unity of purpose and identity of interasts established by this bold and generous policy, that gave the North West Company such tremendous force, and that enabled it to carry out so successfully its vast undertaking. In August, 1805, Simon Fraser left Fort William and, follow- ing the usual route of the furtrade, he arrived at a point on Peace River, which he named Rocky Mountain Portage, at the eastern end of which he established a rude post named Rocky Mountain House — not far from the Hudson's Hope of modern maps. He had deter- mined to follow Mackenzie's track through the Peace River Pass, to the country abounding in beaver beyond. In the autumn of the year, having established his base at Rocky Mountain Portage, he ascended the Peace and Parsnip Rivers to the point where the Pack River empties its waters into the latter. This river was not seen by Mackenzie in 1793; or if so, his journal does not record the fact. Simon Fraser followed the Pack to McLeod Lake, or as it was then called, 'J>out Lake, where he established the first post ever built in the territory west of the Rocky Mountains. This fort now known as Fort McLeod, was then sometimes called La Malice Fort. The build- ing of this fort and Fraser's subsequent work makes the American cry of 1844 — "Fifty-four forty or fight" — ridiculous in the extreme. It should be mentioned that McLeod Lake had been discovered earlier in the year by James McDougall, who had thence proceeded westward to Carrier Lake, or Lac Porteur. Leaving in charge of the new station a French Canadian, La Malice (fittingly so named from all accounts), Fraser returned to Rocky Mountain House, where he wintered in company with John Stuart, his able lieutenant and warm friend. Stuart was one of that noble Scots band which made history for us, as their forbears had made on the continent a century before. Fraser's connection with our history was meteoric; Stuart's, though 242 BRITISH COLUMBIA not so prominent, was of much longer duration. In his younger days John Stuart had been in the Royal Engineers. He appears to have been connected with the North West Company as early as 1799. For fifteen years thereafter he was connected with the operations of that Company and the Hudson's Bay Company, west of the Rockies. Not the least interesting fact concerning this man who so earnestly supported Fraser in his work of exploration and took such an outstanding place in the later development of New Cale- dq;iia is that he was an uncle of the late Lord Strathcona. The journals of the two pioneers, accurately portray the hardships and privations suffered by them and their men in the winter of 1 805- 1 806. For provisions, they were almost entirely dependent upon the resources of the country, — if the chase or the fishery failed, they were brought face to face with starvation. But it is not neces- sary to dilate upon their situation, which was taken as a matter of course by the men who faced it. The historian, in passing, can only marvel at their intrepidity and resourcefulness in times of danger and starvation. In the following spring, Fraser prepared in earnest for a more extensive exploration. In May he gathered his small force together. First, he re-visited Fort McLeod which, during the previous winter, had been deserted by La Malice, just as James McDougall was at hand with succour. Leaving there the supplies he had brought for the post, he descended the Pack, and proceeded on his journey up the Parsnip, until he reached the Height of Land which divides the waters that flow into the Arctic Ocean from those that flow into the Pacific. Then, having crossed the portages and lakes discovered by Mackenzie, he embarked upon the Bad River. Following the tortuous and impeded course of that rapid stream, he reached, on July 10, 1806, the "Great River," called by the natives ''Tacoutche Tesse." This was no other than the north fork of the Fraser River, but by both Mackenzie and Fraser it was thought to be the Colum- bia, or one of its chief tributaries. Launching his frail vessels, Simon Fraser voyaged with the stream to the mouth of the Nechaco, also missed or at least not mentioned, by Mackenzie, and ascended it to its confluence with the river that drains Stuart Lake. Here, the explorer met for the first time, men of the Carrier nation. For a full account of the voyage up to this point one must turn BRITISH COLUMBIA 243 to the explorer's journal, a few quotations from which will serve to remind the present day and generation of the hardships endured and the difficulties overcome by the founders of New Caledonia. Only a fragment of that document is available: but that fragment is doubly precious since it contains much that is of interest touching the lares et pennies of the wily natives, the geographical and physical aspect of the country as well as something of the furred denizens of the wild and the strenuous incidents of the daily march. Nor does Simon Fraser forget amid his cares and preoccupations to relieve the latent fires of his soul by a fling at Sir Alexander Mackenzie, as the fol- lowing entries will show. Here for instance is a graphic description of a native hunting scene written under the date of Monday, May 26, 1806 — "Previous to our arrival at the Indians we were greatly amused looking at some of them running after the wild sheep which they call As-pah. They were really expert indeed, running full speed among the perpendicular rocks which had not 1 ocular demonstration I could never believe to have been attained by any creature either of the human or brute creation; for the rocks appear to us, which perhaps might be exaggerated a little, from the distance to be as steep as a wall, and yet while in pursuit of the sheep they bounded from one to another with the swiftness of a Roe, and at last killed two in their snares, one of wliich we traded for ammunition merely for a rarity. They have great resemblance to the European sheep, the wool is almost as fine, perfectly white, and upwards of six inches long, and when fat the Indians represent the flesh as excellent eating, at present as it is meagre, it is rather tough, and has a strong musk taste and smell." This is followed by another anecdote which shows very clearly the imminence of the danger, whicli, like the fabled sword of Damocles, perpetually shadowed the hardy wayfarers in one or another form — flood, famine, or misfortune, or all combined — and in view of which the guerdon of their quest might by comparison seem sometimes inadequate in degree, were it not for considerations on a higher plane than mere commercial interest the great scientific and political interest to wit, which lay hidden behind these deeds and endeavours: "Tuesdav, 27th. Fine warm weather, the water rises very fast. Indeed it has risen upwards of three feet since we left the Portage, 244 BRITISH COLUMBIA and though the current is amazing strong it is exceedingly good going as yet. We came to and encamped at the last Rapid which is about two miles below the Fork's on Finlay's branch La Malice who was before us attempted to ascend this rapid with the pole, but Mr. Stuart who was the nearest to him called to him to desist and I gave him a great set down for risking the property so much where it was unnecessary. It was really difficult to come up this rapid and we were obliged to take out the load and carry it over a rocky point of 400 yards, and the canoes were taken up light. Had the water been lower we could have gone up easily loaded, and had it been higher we could efifect the same thing by a safe passage along the right shore that at present contains only water enough to take up the canoes light. La Malice who was first up left his canoe with only the bow of it on the shore and while he was busy at the lower end it went off and ran down the Rapid, it received, however, no injury and they went for it with another canoe. I was much displeased with La Malice on this occasion and as well as his attempting to go up with a full load and threatened him severely if he was not more careful in the future. It was after dark before everything was carried to the upper end of the Portage; of course the canoes could not be gummed which will make us go ofif late tomorrow." Then follows a description of the Pack River, which is here referred to as "Trout Lake." The gentle flow of caustic satire at the expense of Sir Alexander Mackenzie adds a certain zest to this passage. "Thursday, 5th June. Trout Lake is a considerable large and navigable River in all seasons. It does not appear to have been noticed by Sir A. M. K. as he used to indulge himself sometimes with a little sleep. Likely he did not see it and 1 can account for many other omissions in no other manner than his being asleep at the time he pretends to have been very exact; but was I qualified to make obser\'ations and inclined to find fault with him, I could prove that he seldom or ever paid the attention he pretends to have done, and that many of his remarks were not made by himself but communi- cated by his men. It is certainly difficult to stem the current of the east branch during the high water, but not near so much as he makes it. There is scarcelv a point in it but a canoe with six paddles would go up with ease."
Ch 10 – 1
Tuesday, December 14th, 2010CHAPTER X SIMON FRASER In periods like the present, when knowledge of our country is every day extending, even to the most distant parts of the world, it is no easy matter to throw ourselves mentally back into a time in which the territories, now comprised in the Province of British Columbia, first began to assume a definite political form and to arouse the com- mercial spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, one of the greatest propelling forces that the world has ever known. At the beginning of the nine- teenth century, the vast country beyond the Rocky Mountains was a virgin wilderness, as vet almost unknown and unpeopled, except by aboriginal tribes, whose chiefs held undisputed sway in their several jurisdictions. It is true that the western seaboard had been explored and tolerablv well surveyed by Briton and Spaniard and its interior pierced by the furtradcr; but these efforts had not as yet led to the occupation of the country; nor had any strong movement in that direction taken place. Great Britain, involved in war with France, which had broken out before Vancouver returned to Europe, found her energies and resources taxed to the utmost to continue the strug- gle against Napoleon; and therefore the settlement of distant lands was, for the time being, beyond the range of practical politics. Spain. now England's ally, had abandoned forever her enterprise in the North Pacific. Russia alone persevered in her efforts to extend her dominions beyond the sea discovered by Vitus Bering. If the situation in Europe, precluded Great Britain from actively following up the discoveries of Vancouver and the settlement of the Nootka Afifair, with a broad policy of expansion in the trans-con- tinental region of the North Pacific, there was nothing to prevent the progress of the ambitious Canadian furtrader towards the western confines of North America, except physical obstacles similar to those which, from his childhood's days, he had been accustomed to face 235 236 BRITISH COLUMBIA and surmount. From the ashes of the heated controversies and bitter feuds of the traders, a new power had arisen, and one which was destined to win before long, signal triumphs in the west. The merging of the rival interests into the great North West Company, a purely Canadian organization, financed by the merchant princes of Montreal, marked an epoch in the history of the furtrade and of this land. Yet that coalition did not, as was fondly hoped, establish peace in the Indian territories. The Hudson's Bay Company looked with sullen eye upon the new association, and then, awaking to a realization of all that the movement portended to its own interests, prepared to follow the daring Nor'Westers into the wilds, and for the conflict that must inevitably ensue this reversal of its time-hon- oured policy. Then followed that disastrous war, for it was no less, between these two powerful organizations, which did not cease until their amalgamation in 1821, and from which sprang the invasion of the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains ; or at least this conflict was one of the chief causes contributing to that movement. It is by no means easy to decide exactly to what extent the two companies were responsible for the initiation of the explorations that had such far reaching consequences. It is likely enough that their zealous officers in the field had as much to do with the promo- tion of such enterprises, as the directors in London and Montreal. It may be safely assumed, however, that the men at the head of afifairs desired to aid discovery and exploration, if for no other reason than that by so doing new and rich territories might be added to their respective spheres of influence. But trade was the grand objective. This was only natural. After all, the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies were commercial bodies, and dividends were their first concern. Yet, whatever may have been the mainspring of their actions, the fact remains that officers of both companies carried the British flag to the remotest corners of the northern part of the con- tinent. And further, it is clear that had it not been for this agency, the British possessions in North America would not be so extensive as they are today. However, it should never be forgotten that it was the strong arm of England that held what the furtraders had won. Sir Alexander Mackenzie's wonderful feat did not lead immedi- ately to the occupation of the territory he had discovered. On the contrary, twelve years intervened between the time the land had BRITISH COLUMBIA 237 been spied out and that at which the "Lords of the Lakes and For- ests" went out to possess it. This delay is inexplicable except by reference to the internal history of the North West Company. It has been already indicated that the houses of Benjamin and Joseph Fro- bisher and of Simon McTavish supplied the requisite cash and credit. The latter person soon dominated its councils and "Le Premier," or "Le Marquis," as he was called, became a veritable storm centre. In 1795, some of those who could no longer brook, his overbearing conduct withdrew and joined the independent firm, Messrs. Forsyth, Richardson and Company. Mackenzie was induced at this time, much against his will to remain with the Nor'Westers. A rivalry sprang up immediately between the two companies — a rivalry the more keen from mere kinship. The struggle between the two older companies paled into insignificance in comparison with this paternal feud. The new company was known for a time as the "New North West Company"; but, seeing the bales of trading goods belonging to their opponents marked "N. W.," they by a happy thought, fixed upon the subsequent letters X Y for themselves. These algebraic letters, signifying unknown quantities, were most apt, as there is little doubt that some members of the North West Company were really interested in this opposition, which was sneeringly called the "Little Company" or in French "La Petite Compagnie," short- ened to "Les Petits," and anglicized into the "Potties." By degrees the breach between Mackenzie and McTavish widened. As Masson has expressed it: "Ces trois annees furent une suite non interrompue d'ennuis, de froissement et de mecontentement entre lui, Ic plus populaire, le plus actif des Bourgeois, et M. Simon McTavish, le chef de la Compagnie ct Ic plus puissant des agents." At the meeting at Grand Portage in 1799 Mackenzie informed the other partners that he had resolved to withdraw. Every effort to alter his determination was in vain; in vain the wintering partners declared their confidence in him and begged his reconsideration. Mackenzie was inexorable. He understood too well that he could no longer continue as the agent and associate of McTavish. After a short residence in England, during which he prepared for publication the "round unvarnished tale" of his voyages, Mackenzie, having received knighthood, returned to Canada and entered with all his vigour into the work of the X Y Company, which soon became 238 BRITISH COLUMBIA known as "Sir Alexander Mackenzie and Company." Keener, now, became the rivalry, bitterer the competition, more heated the strug- gle between the Canadian concerns. Cheating, robberies, free tights, the unstinted use of liquor, every device that could be conceived to gain an advantage — all these things mar this chapter of the furtrade. Yet the energy of the North West Company at the very climax of this struggle in opening fishing stations along the St. Lawrence and in fitting out vessels for trade into Hudson's Bay itself, must give cause for wonder and admiration. Just at this time, in July, 1804, Simon McTavish died. All difficulties vanished. The warring factions drew together, and in a short time were amalgamated, retain- ing the old name. The North West Companv thus became for the first time a real unity, free from internal dissentions, prepared to do better with its competitors alike "beyond remotest smoke of hunter's camp" as in the marts of the world, and thus to stand, proudly claim- ing to be the most vigorous and successful trading concern operating in North America. And thus it came about that another was to complete the work of our first explorer — Mackenzie had spied out the land. Fraser would possess it. While the furtraders were fighting over the division of the spoils in the Indian territories of the north, the government at Wash- ington was not blind to the advantages that would necessarily follow the westward expansion of the United States. President Jefiferson, having purchased Louisiana from Napoleon in 1803, desired to extend the limits of his country to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. Indeed the plan was forming itself in his mind even before that pur- chase was completed. As yet there had been no national movement towards that goal, that is to say. the people themselves evinced no interest in the trans-cordilleran region; nevertheless, the President was astute enough to realize that it would not be safe to defer for- tifying the position of the L'nited States in the far west. He therefore conceived the project of despatching an expedition under the auspices of his government to cross the Rocky Mountains and to follow the Columbia River from its head waters to its estuary, found by Cap- tain Gray of the Columbia in 1792. But, as the route of the expedi- tion lay in part through territories not yet directly assigned to any power, it was necessarv to proceed with caution, so as not to excite BRITISH COLUMBIA 239 the fears or jealousies of other nations. The President therefore gave out that the expedition was purely scientific in its scope, and on that account it aroused no suspicion amongst the ambassadors accred- ited to Washington. In spite of these precautions, however, the project was nearly killed by Congress refusing to vote the small appropriation — $2,500 — required to give effect to the President's proposal. To the average senator and representative it appeared ridiculous that money should be spent in such a manner. But Jeffer- son, intent on creating an empire, was not to be thwarted. He sub- mitted to Congress a secret message, in which he intimated that his real reason for advocating the despatch of the expedition, was that it might be ascertained whether or not it would be desirable to annex the land west of the Rocky Mountains. The plea was successful and the appropriation passed. In 1S04, Captain .Meriwether Lewis and Captain William Clark began their memorable journey across the continent. That expedition did not escape the observation of the vigilant partners of the North West Company, nor did it frighten them. If anything it incited them to give immediate effect to the long cher- ished plan to extend their chain of posts clear across the continent. Greenhow states that it was the expedition of Lewis and Clark that prompted the North \A'est Company to annex the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains; on the other hand Bancroft asserts that there is no proof of (ireenhow's explicit statement that it was the immediate object of the North West Company "to anticipate the Americans in the settlement of that portion of the Continent." At any rate, it was this time that the association undertook to occupy the country beyond the Rockies. The decision was reached early in 1805 '" the council hall of the North West Company at Fort Wil- liam, on Thunder Bay of Lake Superior — famous in literature from Washington Irving's admirable description of the feudal glory of the wassailing Nor'Wester. A young man, then only twenty-five years old and a bourgeois, or partner, of but three years' standing, Simon Fraser, was chosen to conduct tiic perilous enterprise. Simon Fraser came of good stock. His grandfather was Wil- liam Fraser of Culbochie or Kilbockie, and his grandmother, Margaret Macdonell of Glengarry. William Fraser had nine sons, six of whom wore His Majesty's military uniform. Of two others